the anti-slavery crusade-第25章

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stinctly　declined　in　numbers　and　influence　during　the　four　preceding　years。　Only　a　handful　of　members　in　each　House　of　Congress　remained　unaffiliated　with　the　parties　whose　platforms　had　ordained　silence　on　the　one　issue　of　chief　public　concern。　It　was　by　a　mere　accident　in　Massachusetts　politics　that　Charles　Sumner　was　sent　to　the　Senate　as　a　man　free　on　all　public　questions。　While　the　parties　were　making　their　nominations　for　the　Presidency；　Sumner　sought　diligently　for　an　opportunity　in　the　Senate　to　give　utterance　to　the　sentiments　of　his　party　on　the　repeal　of　the　Fugitive　Slave　Act。　But　not　until　late　in　August　did　he　overcome　the　resistance　of　the　combined　opposition　and　gain　the　floor。　The　watchmen　were　caught　off　guard　when　Sumner　introduced　an　amendment　to　an　appropriation　bill　which　enabled　him　to　deliver　a　carefully　prepared　address；　several　hours　in　length；　calling　for　the　repeal　of　the　law。　The　first　part　of　this　speech　is　devoted　to　the　general　topic　of　the　relation　of　the　national　Government　to　slavery　and　was　made　in　answer　to　the　demand　of　Calhoun　and　his　followers　for　the　direct　national　recognition　of　slavery。　For　such　a　demand　Sumner　found　no　warrant。　By　the　decision　of　Lord　Mansfield；　said　he；　〃the　state　of　slavery〃　was　declared　to　be　〃of　such　a　nature；　that　it　is　incapable　of　being　introduced　on　any　reasons；　moral　or　political；　but　ONLY　BY　POSITIVE　LAW　。　。　。　。　it　is　so　odious；　that　nothing　can　be　suffered　to　support　it　but　positive　law。〃　Adopting　the　same　principle；　the　Supreme　Court　of　the　State　of　Mississippi；　a　tribunal　of　slaveholders；　asserted　that　〃slavery　is　condemned　by　reason　and　the　Laws　of　Nature。　It　exists；　and　can　ONLY　exist；　through　municipal　regulations。〃　So　also　declared　the　Supreme　Court　of　Kentucky　and　numerous　other　tribunals。　This　aspect　of　the　subject　furnished　Sumner　occasion　for　a　masterly　array　of　all　the　utterances　in　favor　of　liberty　to　be　found　in　the　Constitution；　in　the　Declaration　of　Independence；　in　the　constitutional　conventions；　in　the　principles　of　common　law。　All　these　led　up　to　and　supported　the　one　grand　conclusion　that；　when　Washington　took　the　oath　as　President　of　the　United　States；　〃slavery　existed　nowhere　on　the　national　territory〃　and　therefore　〃is　in　no　respect　a　national　institution。〃　Apply　the　principles　of　the　Constitution　in　their　purity；　then；　and　〃in　all　national　territories　slavery　will　be　impossible。　On　the　high　seas；　under　the　national　flag；　slavery　will　be　impossible。　In　the　District　of　Columbia；　slavery　will　instantly　cease。　Inspired　by　these　principles；　Congress　can　give　no　sanction　to　slavery　by　the　admission　of　new　slave　States。　Nowhere　under　the　Constitution　can　the　Nation　by　legislation　or　otherwise；　support　slavery；　hunt　slaves；　or　hold　property　in　man　。　。　。　。　As　slavery　is　banished　from　the　national　jurisdiction；　it　will　cease　to　vex　our　national　politics。　It　may　linger　in　the　States　as　a　local　institution；　but　it　will　no　longer　engender　national　animosities　when　it　no　longer　demands　national　support。〃　The　second　part　of　Sumner's　address　dealt　directly　with　the　Fugitive　Slave　Act　of　1860。　It　is　much　less　convincing　and　suggests　more　of　the　characteristics　of　the　special　pleader　with　a　difficult　case。　Sumner　here　undertook　to　prove　that　Congress　exceeded　its　powers　when　it　presumed　to　lay　down　rules　for　the　rendition　of　fugitive　slaves；　and　this　task　exceeded　even　his　power　as　a　constitutional　lawyer。　The　circumstances　under　which　Sumner　attacked　slavery　were　such　as　to　have　alarmed　a　less　self…centered　man；　for　the　two　years　following　the　introduction　of　the　Nebraska　bill　were　marked　by　the　most　acrimonious　debate　in　the　history　of　Congress；　and　by　physical　encounters；　challenges；　and　threats　of　violence。　But　though　Congressmen　carried　concealed　weapons；　Sumner　went　his　way　unarmed　and　apparently　in　complete　unconcern　as　to　any　personal　danger；　though　it　is　known　that　he　was　fully　aware　that　in　the　faithful　performance　of　what　he　deemed　to　be　his　duty　he　was　incurring　the　risk　of　assassination。　The　pro…slavery　party　manifested　on　all　occasions　a　disposition　to　make　the　most　of　the　weak　point　in　Sumner's　constitutional　argument　against　the　Fugitive　Slave　Law。　He　was　accused　of　taking　an　oath　to　support　the　Constitution　though　at　the　same　time　intending　to　violate　one　of　its　provisions。　In　a　discussion；　in　June；　1854；　over　a　petition　praying　for　the　repeal　of　the　Fugitive　Slave　Act；　Senator　Butler　of　South　Carolina　put　the　question　directly　to　Senator　Sumner　whether　he　would　himself　unite　with　others　in　returning　a　fugitive　to　his　master。　Sumner's　quick　reply　was；　〃Is　thy　servant　a　dog　that　he　should　do　this　thing？〃　Enraged　Southerners　followed　this　remark　with　a　most　bitter　onslaught　upon　Sumner　which　lasted　for　two　days。　When　Sumner　again　got　the　floor；　he　said　in　reference　to　Senator　Butler's　remark：　〃In　fitful　phrase；　which　seemed　to　come　from　unconscious　excitement；　so　common　with　the　Senator；　he　shot　forth　various　cries　about　'dogs；'　and；　among　other　things；　asked　if　there　was　any　'dog'　in　the　Constitution？　The　Senator　did　not　seem　to　bear　in　mind；　through　the　heady　currents　of　that　moment　that；　by　the　false　interpretation　he　fastens　upon　the　Constitution；　he　has　helped　to　nurture　there　a　whole　kennel　of　Carolina　bloodhounds；　trained；　with　savage　jaw　and　insatiable　in　scent；　for　the　hunt　of　flying　bondmen。　No；　sir；　I　do　not　believe　that　there　is　any　'kennel　of　bloodhounds；'　or　even　any　'dog'　in　the　Constitution。〃　Thereafter　offensive　personal　references　between　the　Senators　from　Massachusetts　and　South　Carolina　became　habitual。　These　personalities　were　a　source　of　regret　to　many　of　Sumner's　best　friends；　but　they　fill　a　small　place；　after　all；　in　his　great　work。　Nor　were　they　the　chief　source　of　rancor　on　the　part　of　his　enemies；　for　Southern　orators　were　accustomed　to　personalities　in　debate。　Sumner　was　feared　and　hated　principally　because　his　presence　in　Congress　endangered　the　institution　of　slavery。　Sumner's　speech　on　the　crime　against　Kansas　was　perhaps　the　most　remarkable　effort　of　his　career。　It　had　been　known　for　many　weeks　that　Sumner　was　preparing　to　speak　upon　the　burning　question；　and　his　friends　had　already　expressed　anxiety　for　his　personal　safety。　For　the　larger　part　of　two　days；　May　19　and　20；　1856；　he　held　the　reluctant　attention　of　the　Senate。　For　the　delivery　of　this　speech　he　chose　a　time　which　was　most　opportune。　The　crime　against　Kansas　had；　in　a　sense；　culminated　in　March　of　the　previous　year；　but　the　settlers　had　refused　to　submit　to　the　Government　set　up　by　hostile　invaders。　They　had　armed　themselves　for　the　defense　of　their　rights；　had　elected　a　Governor　and　a　Legislature　by　voluntary　association；　had　called　a　convention；　and　had　adopted　a　constitution　preparatory　to　admission　to　the　Union。　That　constitution　was　now　before　the　Senate　for　approval。　President　Pierce；　Stephen　A。　Douglas；　and　all　the　Southern　leaders　had　decided　to　treat　as　treasonable　acts　the　efforts　of　Kansas　settlers　to　secure　an　orderly　government。　Their　plans　for　the　arrest　of　the　leaders　were　well　advanced　and　the　arrests　were　actually　made　on　the　day　after　Sumner　had　concluded　his　speech。　A　paragraph　in　the　address　is　prophetic　of　what　occurred　within　a　week。　Douglas　had　introduced　a　bill　recognizing　the　Legislature　chosen　by　the　Missourians　as　the　legal　Government　and　providing　for　the　formation　of　a　constitution　under　its　initiative　at　some　future　date。　After　describing　this　proposed　action　as　a　continuation　of　the　crime　against　Kansas；　Sumner　declared：　〃Sir；　you　cannot　expect　that　the　people　of　Kansas　will　submit　to　the　usurpation　which　this　bill　sets　up　and　bids　them　bow　before；　as　the　Austrian　tyrant　set　up　the　ducal　hat　in　the　Swiss　market…place。　If　you　madly　persevere；　Kansas　will　not　be　without　her　William　Tell；　who　will　refuse　at　all　hazards　to　recognize　the　tyrannical　edict；　and　this　will　be　the　beginning　of　civil　war。〃　To　keep　historical　sequence　clear　at　this　point；　all　thought　of　John　Brown　should　be　eliminated；　for　he　was　then　unknown　to　the　public。　It　must　be　remembered　that　Governor　Robinson　and　the　free…state　settlers　were；　as　Sumner　probably　knew；　prepared　to　resist　the　general　Government　as　soon　as　there　should　be　a　clear　case　of　out