the life of stephen a. douglas-第33章

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s　read　from　were　local。　　*　*　*　We　at　last　met　together　in　1856　from　all　parts　of　the　State　and　agreed　upon　a　common　platform。　　*　*　*　We　agreed　then　upon　a　platform　for　the　party　throughout　the　entire　State　and　now　we　are　all　bound　to　that　platform。　　*　*　*　If　any　one　expects　that　I　will　do　anything　not　signified　by　our　Republican　platform　and　my　answers　here　to…day；　I　will　tell　you　very　frankly　that　person　will　be　deceived。　　I　do　not　ask　for　the　vote　of　anyone　who　supposes　that　I　have　secret　purposes　or　pledges　that　I　dare　not　speak　out。　　*　*　*　Douglas　says　if　I　should　vote　for　the　admission　of　a　slave　State　I　would　be　voting　for　the　dissolution　of　the　Union；　because　I　hold　that　the　Union　cannot　permanently　exist　half　slave　and　half　free。　　*　*　*　It　does　not　at　all　follow　that　the　admission　of　a　single　slave　State　will　permanently　fix　the　character　and　establish　this　as　a　universal　slave　Nation。〃

In　March；　1856；　Douglas；　speaking　in　the　Senate　upon　an　article　published；　apparently　by　authority；　in　the　Washington　Union；　the　organ　of　the　Administration；　charged　a　conspiracy　between　the　President；　his　cabinet　and　the　Lecompton　Convention　to　establish　the　proposition　that　all　State　laws　and　Constitutions；　which　prohibited　the　citizens　of　one　State　from　settling　in　another　with　their　slave　property；　were　violations　of　the　Constitution　of　the　United　States。　　He　declared　that　a　fatal　blow　was　being　struck　at　the　sovereignty　of　the　States。　　Charges　of　conspiracy　were　not　entirely　unheard　of　when　the　one　was　made　at　Springfield　so　sharply　condemned　by　Douglas。

〃But　his　eye　is　farther　South　now　than　it　was　last　March。　　His　hope　then　rested　on　the　idea　of　visiting　the　great　black　Republican　party　and　making　it　the　tail　of　his　new　kite。　　He　was　then　expected　from　day　to　day　to　turn　Republican　and　place　himself　at　the　head　of　our　organization。　　He　has　found　that　these　despised　black　Republicans　estimate　him；　by　a　standard　which　he　has　taught　them；　none　to　well。　　Hence　he　is　crawling　back　into　the　old　camp　and　you　will　find　him　eventually　installed　in　full　fellowship　among　those　whom　he　was　then　battling　and　with　whom　he　still　pretends　to　be　at　such　fearful　variance。〃

There　is　an　interesting　and　well　authenticated　tradition；　perhaps　too　strongly　established　to　be　questioned；　that　Lincoln's　second　interrogatory　was　designed　as　a　snare　for　Douglas　and　that　he　was　forced　by　it　to　proclaim　his　unfortunate　doctrine　of　unfriendly　legislation；　which　gave　such　deep　offense　to　the　South。　　It　is　related　on　the　highest　authority　that　on　the　night　before　the　Freeport　debate；　〃Lincoln　was　catching　a　few　hours'　rest　at　a　railroad　center　named　Mendota；　to　which　place　the　converging　trains　brought；　after　midnight；　a　number　of　excited　Republican　leaders　on　their　way　to　attend　the　great　meeting　at　the　neighboring　town　of　Freeport。　　*　*　*　*　Lincoln's　bedroom　was　invaded　by　an　improvised　caucus；　and　the　ominous　question　was　once　more　brought　under　consideration。　The　whole　drift　of　advice　ran　against　putting　the　interrogatory　（number　two）　to　Douglas；　but　Lincoln　persisted　in　his　determination　to　force　him　to　answer　it。　　Finally　his　friends　in　a　chorus　cried：　'If　you　do；　you　can　never　be　Senator。'

〃'Gentlemen；'　replied　Lincoln；　'I　am　killing　larger　game。　　If　Douglas　answers；　he　can　never　be　President；　and　the　battle　of　1860　is　worth　a　hundred　of　this。'〃

Whatever　may　be　the　truth　as　to　the　Mendota　conference；　it　is　unjust　to　Douglas　to　say　that　he　was　surprised　by　the　question；　or　that　his　answer　was　a　mere　extemporized　feat　of　ingenuity　to　meet　an　embarrassing　exigency。　　Long　before　this　and　on　many　occasions　he　had　announced　his　opinion　that　the　people　of　a　Territory　could　by　unfriendly　legislation；　in　defiance　of　the　Constitution；　the　Supreme　Court　and　Congress；　effectually　prevent　slavery　among　themselves。　It　was　one　of　his　most　deliberately　formed；　openly　avowed　and　widely　known　opinions。　　It　is　incredible　that　Lincoln　and　his　advisors　were　in　doubt　how　he　would　answer　the　question。　　Whatever　may　be　our　view　of　the　soundness　of　his　doctrine；　it　is　not　just　to　the　ablest　debater　and　foremost　statesman　of　the　time　to　say　that　he　was　taken　by　surprise　and　driven　into　a　corner　by　a　question　which；　as　he　was　taken　by　surprise　and　driven　into　a　corner　by　a　question　which；　as　he　said　then；　he　had　answered　a　hundred　times　from　every　stump　in　Illinois。

The　third　debate　was　held　at　Jonesboro；　near　the　southern　boundary　of　the　State；　on　September　15th。

Douglas；　in　his　opening　speech；　stated　anew　his　now　familiar　argument　that　the　Republican　party　was　sectional；　threatening　to　disrupt　the　Union　by　its　slavery　agitation；　while　the　Democratic　party　was　national；　with　a　wholesome　creed；　alike　applicable　in　all　latitudes。　　Lincoln　and　Trumbull　had　conspired　to　abolitinize　the　old　parties　and　secure　seats　in　the　Senate。　　Lincoln's　doctrine　of　the　house　divided　against　itself　was　examined　and　the　implied　threat　emphasized　that　Southern　institutions　must　be　overthrown　and　a　dead　level　of　uniformity　reached　in　order　that　the　Government　should　stand。　　The　finality　of　the　Dred　Scott　decision　and　the　exclusion　of　negroes　from　the　Declaration　of　Independence　were　insisted　on。　　Much　of　the　speech　was　devoted　to　the　local　and　transient　questions　of　Illinois　politics。

Lincoln；　replying　to　the　charge　that　the　slavery　agitation　was　the　result　of　the　aggressive　attitude　of　Northern　Abolitionists；　again　insisted　that　the　propagandists　of　slavery　were　the　aggressors；　having　attempted　to　change　it　from　a　local　and　declining　institution　and　spread　it　through　all　the　Territories；　removing　it　〃from　the　basis　on　which　the　fathers　left　it　to　the　basis　of　its　perpetuation　and　nationalization。〃　　The　agitation　began　with　the　repeal　of　the　Missouri　Compromise。

〃Who；〃　he　asked；　〃did　that？　　Why；　when　we　had　peace　under　the　Missouri　Compromise；　could　you　not　have　left　it　alone？〃

He　quoted　Douglas'　speech　in　the　Senate　on　June　9th；　1856；　in　which　he　had　declared　that　〃whether　the　people　could　exclude　slavery　prior　to　the　formation　of　a　Constitution　or　not；　was　a　question　to　be　decided　by　the　Supreme　Court。　　*　*　*　*　When　he　says；　after　the　Supreme　Court　has　decided　the　question；　that　the　people　may　yet　exclude　slavery　by　any　means　whatever；　he　does　virtually　say　that　it　is　not　a　question　for　the　Supreme　Court。　　*　*　*　the　proposition　that　slavery　cannot　enter　a　new　country　without　police　regulations　is　historically　false。　　*　*　*　Slavery　was　originally　planted　upon　this　continent　without　these　police　regulations。　　*　*　*　How　came　the　Dred　Scott　decision　to　be　made？　　It　was　made　upon　the　case　of　a　negro　being　taken　and　actually　held　in　slavery　in　Minnesota　Territory；　claiming　his　freedom　because　the　act　of　Congress　prohibited　his　being　so　held　there。　　Will　the　Judge　pretend　that　Dred　Scott　was　not　held　there　without　police　regulations？　　*　*　*　*　This　shows　that　there　is　vigor　enough　in　slavery　to　plant　itself　in　a　new　country；　even　against　unfriendly　legislation。　　It　takes　not　only　law；　but　the　enforcement　of　the　law；　to　keep　it　out。　　This　is　the　history　of　this　country　upon　the　subject。　　*　*　*　The　first　thing　a　Senator　does　is　swear　to　support　the　Constitution　of　the　United　States。　　Suppose　a　Senator　believes；　as　Douglas　does；　that　the　Constitution　guarantees　the　right　to　hold　slaves　in　a　Territory。　How　can　he　clear　his　oath　unless　he　supports　such　legislation　as　is　necessary　to　enable　the　people　to　enjoy　their　property？　　Can　you；　if　you　swear　to　support　the　Constitution；　and　believe　that　the　Constitution　establishes　a　right；　clear　your　oath　without　giving　it　support？　　*　*　*　*　There　can　be　nothing　in　the　words；　'support　the　Constitution；'　if　you　may　run　counter　to　it　by　refusing　to　support　it。　　*　*　*　*　And　what　I　say　here　will　hod　with　still　more　force　against　the　Judge's　doctrine　of　unfriendly　legislation。　　*　*　*　Is　not　Congress　itself　bound　to　give　legislative　support　to　any　right　that　is　established　in　the　United　States　Constitution？　　A　Member　of　Congress　swears　to　support　the　Constitution　*　*　*　and　if　he　sees　a　right　established　by　that　Constitution　which　needs　specific　legislative　protection；　can　he　clear　his　oath　without　giving　that　protection。　　*　*　*　If　I　acknowledge　*　*　*　that　thi