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第8章

lecture v-第8章

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Parliamentary Government。 Nevertheless the fact does not prove
that the Sobors had nothing in common with English Parliaments or
French States…General。 We must not forget that medieval Europe
was; as a rule; ignorant of Parliamentary Government; and that
Assemblies; like the Mad Parliament of Oxford or the
revolutionary French Estates of 1355; both of which tried to
establish a kind of cabinet; were but exceptions。 Although the
Sobor had no right to impose on the Czar the obligation of
calling certain persons to his counsels; the part it took in the
general politics of the country was a large one。 We have had
occasion to show that questions of war and peace were settled by
its advice。 Both the surrender of Asov and the annexation of
Little Russia took place in compliance with its desires。 And
though the Sobor was denied the right of choosing the Ministry;
it had a much higher right; that of choosing the Czars。 On this
point it had no grounds to envy either the English Parliaments;
or the States…General of France。
    So long as the new dynasty of the Romanovs remained faithful
to the engagements entered into by the Czar Michael; that is to
say during the first part of the seventeenth century; the voting
subsidies was as much the function of the Russian representative
Assembly as it was of the representative Assemblies of England;
France; Germany; or Spain。 During the greater part of the reign
of the first Romanov no subsidy was levied; no benevolence
extorted without the consent of the Sobor。 This scrupulous
observance of its financial authority required its periodical
convocation just as much as the meeting of the English
representatives was needed many years before the introduction of
triennial and septennial parliaments。 Excepting during the period
just mentioned; the Sobors were summoned at irregular periods and
only when the needs of the Government required their help。 Like
other representative Assemblies they were convened and dissolved
by the sovereign; and had no right to assemble according to their
own will。
    If we would know what good they have done to Russia we must
study the part they have played in the removal of public
grievances and the reform of justice。 We must remember that more
than once they opposed the oligarchical Government of the boyars;
the local despotism of provincial Governors or voivodes; and the
bribery and exactions of the bureaucracy of Moscow。 We must
remember how often they were the champions of justice and
equality in opposing the system of judicial immunities; the
extravagant donations of crown lands; and the exemption from
taxation of the nobility and clergy。 We shall then have no
difficulty in acknowledging that their influence was truly
beneficial。 On several occasions they had the honour of
participating in large administrative and judicial reforms; such
as the codification of the law and the abolition of the abnormal
custom by which offices in the army were held; not by men of
ability and talent; but by those of aristocratic birth。 Foreign
politics were more than once treated by the Sobors with
discernment and practical good sense。 Their patriotic and
religious feelings did not keep them from recognising the danger
of a new war and the necessity of relinquishing a conquest which
had been easily made。 On the other hand their natural dislike of
new taxes did not prevent them from stretching out a helping hand
to their orthodox brethren in their endeavours to emancipate
themselves from the religious persecution of Catholic Poland。
Though they opposed on one occasion the annexation of Asov;
nevertheless on another occasion these representatives of the
people of Great Russia openly manifested their desire for union
with Little Russia; notwithstanding the possibility of a new war
that would necessarily be followed by an increase in taxation; In
the so…called period of troubles they stood forth as the
champions of the national idea by the opposition which they made
to every political combination which might have resulted in the
submission of Russia to a foreign prince。 In those unhappy days
when so many provinces were occupied by Polish and Swedish
soldiers; and the boyars were half gained over to the interests
of Vladislas; the son of the Polish king; when Novgorod made a
separate peace with the Swedes; and was on the point of
recognising the doubtful rights of a Swedish pretender; the
political unity of Russia found champions only in the ranks of
the lower orders represented at the Sobor。
    The history of these old Russian Parliaments presents
certainly a less dramatic interest than the history of English
Parliaments or French States…General。 Cases of conflict between
the different orders convened to the National Councils occur very
seldom。 We read of no vehement invectives; like those which the
deputies of the nobility thundered forth against the third estate
at the etats generaux of 1613。 We hear also of no compacts or
associations between estates; like those; which more than once
allowed the English barons and burgesses to achieve a manifest
victory over the king。 The language employed by Russian
representatives in speaking to their sovereign is moderate; and
sometimes even servile。 They like to call themselves the 〃slaves
of his Majesty;〃 but; in so doing; they never forget their
obligations towards their electors; to open the eyes of the
Government to 〃all the wrongs; depredations; and oppressions;
committed by its officers。〃 They are subjects; conscious of their
duty towards sovereign and country; ready to sacrifice their life
and estates for the defence of its essential interest; they are
not slaves; afraid of opening their mouths or of offending the
ear of the monarch by a truthful description of their wrongs。
Their loyalty towards the Czar finds a parallel in that which
they entertain towards the Greek Church。 They are orthodox; and;
therefore; ready to shed。 their blood in the defence of their
creed; simply represented; as it sometimes is; by the images of
the saints; but they have no inclination towards clericalism; and
no objection to imposing taxes on the clergy and even to
secularising their estates for the good of the country and the
advantage of the military class。 Illiterate as were their
members; it is not surprising that the Sobors took no measure to
increase the number of schools and educational establishments。
They are probably the sole representative Assemblies which never
uttered a word about science or scholarship。 It was chiefly due
to their ignorance that their opinions about commercial
intercourse with foreign countries were so little rational。 it is
not surprising if the whole policy of trade reduced itself;
according to their understanding; to the elimination of the
competition of the Eastern and Western merchants。
    With such helpers as these no general reform; like that of
Peter the Great; was likely to be accomplished。 It may be easily
understood; therefore; why this greatest of Russian
revolutionists never tried to associate the Sobors in his work。
The reforms at which he aimed: the subversion of the civil and
military organisation; the introduction of a totally new
provincial administration; copied from Swedish originals; of a
standing army; like those of the French and German autocrats; the
opening of Russian markets to the competition of foreign
merchants; the establishment of technical schools and such like
innovations; were not to be carried out by 〃the decision of the
whole land;〃 to employ the consecrated term for Russian legal
enactments during the period directly preceding that of Peter the
Great。 〃Enlightened despostism〃 found in Russia the same
difficulty in going hand in hand with the old Assemblies of
estates; as it did in Austria at the time of Joseph the Second。
    Fully to understand the reasons which prevented the Wither
development of the Russian national councils; we must also bear
in mind that the period in which Russia; by the genius of Peter;
was thrown into active intercourse with European powers; was far
from being the golden age of representative Government。 When the
Sobors began to take root in the Russi

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