lecture iv-第3章

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management　of　the　Slavonic　State。　My　necessarily　dry　exposition
of　ancient　chronicles　and　charters；　cannot　fail　to　recall　the
well…known　passage　in　the　〃Germania〃　of　Tacitus：　〃De　minoribus
principes　consultant；　de　majoribus　omnes。〃　Like　the　old　Germanic
folkmote　the　Slavonic　was　a　sort　of　supreme　council；　convened　on
certain　exceptionally　important　occasions。　During　an　interregnum
all　authority　passed　into　its　hands；　and　it　was　accordingly
empowered　to　choose　the　future　ruler　of　the　land；　and　to　declare
under　what　conditions　he　was　to　be　admitted　to　the　exercise　of
the　sovereign　power。　In　the　ordinary　course　of　public　affairs；
the　folkmote　discussed　important　matters　of　civil；　and　in　some
countries　even　of　ecclesiastical　government。　It　pronounced　on
questions　of　war　and　peace；　controlled　the　exercise　of　the
legislative　authority；　and　was　sometimes　even　directly　engaged　in
the　making　of　new；　and　the　codifying　of　ancient　laws。　Although
its　authority　was　less　prominent　in　executive　and　judicial
matters；　yet　it　very　often　exercised　the　supreme　right　of
dethroning　a　king；　and　of　judging　persons　accused　of　high
treason。
　　　　When　we　call　to　mind　these　facts；　the　idea　of　an　early
Russian　autocracy；　admitting　of　no　control　on　the　part　of　the
governed；　will　certainly　appear　to　us　to　be　in　direct
contradiction　not　only　of　the　general　evolution　of　political
institutions；　but　also　of　its　usual　form　among　Slavonic　nations。
We　must　refuse　to　accept　an　anomaly　unless　it　is　established　on
the　authority　of　well…authenticated　historical　facts。　But　no　such
facts　can　be　produced。　The　Russian　chronicles；　in　which；　from　the
want　of　other　sources　of　information；　we　are　obliged　to　seek　for
the　chief　elements　of　a　general　theory　of　ancient　Russian
political　institutions；　show　us　a　state　of　things；　which　has
nothing　in　common　with　absolute　monarchy。　On　the　first　pages　of
the　chronicle　attributed　to　the　monk　Nestor；　the　Eastern　Slavs
are　spoken　of　as　possessing　a　sort　of　〃gens〃　organisation；　〃each
one　living　with　his　kindred；　and　these　kindreds　occupying
distinct　territorial　districts。〃　（Kojdo　s　svoim　rodom　i　na　svoich
mestech；　kojdo　vladeiusche　rodom　svoim。）　in　the　sentence　just
quoted；　the　chronicler　describes　the　social　organisation　of　the
most　enlightened　tribe　of　the　Eastern　Slavs；　the　Polians；　and
immediately　afterwards　he　speaks　of　three　brothers　and　their
sister；　who　exercised　in　common　some　sort　of　political　authority
over　the　tribe。　According　to　this　chronicler；　the　direct
descendants　of　these　brothers　ruled　over　the　Polians。　It　is　also
recorded　of　the　Drevlians；　another　Slavonic　tribe；　that　it　had
its　own　prince；　Mal。　but　the　Polians　and　the　Drevlians　seem　to
have　been　the　only　tribes　living　under　monarchical　rule。　The　rest
of　the　Slavonic　tribes　established　in　Russia　are　represented　to
us　as　having　no　princes；　but　as　living　divided　into　clans　or
〃gentes；〃　which　were　often　at　war　one　with　another　（vsta　rod　na
rod）；　a　state　of　things　which　at　length　induced　them　〃to　seek　a
foreign　prince　（kniaz）　to　command　and　judge　them　according　to
justice。〃　The　establishment　of　monarchical　power　thus　appears　to
have　been　the　direct　result　of　a　free　decision　on　the　part　of　the
people。　The　chronicle　speaks　of　the　tribes；　which　sent　for　a
foreign　prince；　as　having　previously　assembled　together
（snidoschasia　vkoupe；　sobravschesia）。　This　means　that　the
decision　to　call　in　a　foreign　prince　was　the　work　of　a　folkmote。
Such　is　the　first　mention　we　possess　of　a　Russian　popular
assembly。　The　facts　I　have　recorded　happened　in　the　second　half
of　the　ninth　century；　in　the　year　862。　Alluding　to　them；　the
chronicle　of　Sousdal；　under　the　year　1176；　makes　the　following
general　statement。　〃The　inhabitants　of　Novgorod；　of　Smolensk；　of
Kiev；　and　of　Poloczk；　and　of　all　the　principalities　（volosti）　of
Russia；　were　from　the　beginning；　and　are　still；　in　the　habit　of
meeting　at　folkmotes　as　at　a　sort　of　council。〃　The　term　employed
to　designate　the　folkmote　is　that　of　veche　from　the　verb　veschat；
to　announce；　to　declare。　According　to　the　sentence　just　quoted；
the　veche　may　be　traced　from　the　oldest　period　of　our　national
existence。　This　is　directly　confirmed；　in　relation　to　the
Polians；　by　the　following　statement：　〃In　the　years　next
following；〃　says　Nestor；　speaking　of　the　end　of　the　ninth
century；　〃they　thought　in　common　（sdoumavsche）　and　decided　to　pay
to　the　Chasars　a　certain　tax；　the　amount　of　which　was　one　sword
from　every　hearth。〃　The　Drevlians　are　also　spoken　of　by　the
chronicle　as　having　on　one　occasion　〃thought　in　common　with　their
prince　Mal；〃　and　decided　to　slaughter　the　son　of　Rurik；　Igor。
Now；　this　〃thinking　in　common〃　of　a　whole　tribe　with　its
political　head；　can　only　mean　that　the　prince　consulted　the
folkmote；　and　with　its　help　arrived　at　a　definite　decision。
　　　　A　peculiar　feature　of　the　oldest　Russian　folkmotes；　a　feature
which　totally　disappears　by　the　end　of　the　tenth　century；　is；
that　they　are　the　assembly　of　a　whole　tribe；　sometimes　even　of
several　tribes；　and　not　of　the　inhabitants　of　one　single　urban
district。　The　Chronicle　of　Nestor　speaks　of　the　Polians；　the
Drevlians；　the　Krivichs；　the　Sever；　and　such　like　people；　as　of
persons　coming　together；　consulting　one　another　and
〃accomplishing　certain　acts　in　common。〃　I　have　already　said　that
these　were　separate　tribes；　each　one　subdivided　into　kindreds　or
〃gentes〃　（rodi）。　Such　being　the　case；　the　veche　of　the　early　days
of　Russian　historical　development；　was　a　kind　of　tribal　assembly
very　like　those　which　Caesar　and　Tacitus　found　among　the　ancient
Germans。
　　　　With　the　beginning　of　the　eleventh　century；　the　Russian
folkmote　or　veche　acquired　a　new　character；　when　the　thief　cities
of　Russia；　the　political　centres　of　more　or　less　independent
states；　obtained　their　separate　assemblies。　The　chronicles
mention　on　different　occasions　the　veches　of　Belgorod；　of
Vladimir　in　Volhynia；　of　Berestie；　of　Riazan；　Mourom；　and　Pronsk；
of　Smolensk；　Poloczk　and　Koursk；　of　Rostov；　Sousdal；　Pereiaslavl
and　Vladimir　on　the　Kliasm；　besides　those　of　Kiev；　Novgorod；
Pscov；　and　Viatka。
　　　　If　we　inquire　into　the　internal　constitution　and　functions　of
the　veche；　we　shall　have　no　difficulty　in　ascertaining　that　in
both　these　points　the　Russian　folkmotes　did　not　essentially
differ　from　those　of　other　Slavonic　nations。
　　　　The　chronicles；　when　they　speak　of　those　summoned　to　these
assemblies；　briefly　note　the　presence　of　all　the　citizens　of　a
definite　urban　division。　Expressions　such　as　the　following　are
also　more　than　once　met　with　in　the　course　of　the　narrative：　〃the
men　of　our　land；〃　〃the　whole　land　of　Galich；〃　and　so　on。　Hence；
it　is　evident　that　we　have　to　deal　with　a　thoroughly　democratic
assembly。　But　it　does　not　follow　that　all　the　inhabitants　of　the
city　were　summoned。　The　veche　was　not　so　much　an　assembly　of　the
whole　people　as　that　of　the　heads　of　families；　or　rather　of　the
natural　chiefs　of　Slavonic　house　communities　known　to　the
earliest　code　of　Russia；　the　pravda　of　Jaroslav；　under　the　name
of　〃verv。〃
　　　　On　several　occasions　the　unknown　authors　of　Russian
chronicles　seem　to　imply　that　the　men　assembled　at　the　folkmote
made　certain　engagements；　not　only　on　their　own　behalf　but　also
on　that　of　their　children。　For　instance；　〃the　men　of　Kiev；　in
folkmote　assembled；〃　declare　in　1147；　that　they　will　fight
against　the　House　of　Oleg；　one　of　the　branches　of　the　dynasty　of
Rurik；　not　by　themselves　alone；　but　also　by　their　children。　This
declaration　clearly　shows　that　children　did　not　appear　at　a
Russian　folkmote；　but　that　their　absence　was　solely　caused　by
their　personal　dependence　on　the　head　of　the　undivided　family。　We
may；　therefore；　infer　that　all　those　who　were　not　free　to　dispose
of　themselves　were　excluded　from　the　veche；　and　such　was　the　case
as　regarded　certain　members　of　undivided　households　and　those　who
had　forfeited　their　liberty　through　war　or　debt。　In　a　society
based；　like　the　old　Russian；　on　the　principle　of　blood
relationship；　undivided　households　must　have　been　numerous；　and
the　fact　that　the　heads　of　these　households　were　alone　summoned
naturally　diminished　the　number　of　persons　composing　the　vec