the crowd-第36章

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exclusively　of　highly　educated　persons；　discussion　always　assumes　the　same　shape。　　I　have　shown　that　when　men　are　collected　in　a　crowd　there　is　a　tendency　towards　their　mental　levelling　at　work；　and　proof　of　this　is　to　be　found　at　every　turn。　　Take；　for　example；　the　following　extract　from　a　report　of　a　meeting　composed　exclusively　of　students；　which　I　borrow　from　the　Temps　of　13th　of　February；　1895：


〃The　tumult　only　increased　as　the　evening　went　on；　I　do　not　believe　that　a　single　orator　succeeded　in　uttering　two　sentences　without　being　interrupted。　　At　every　instant　there　came　shouts　from　this　or　that　direction　or　from　every　direction　at　once。　Applause　was　intermingled　with　hissing；　violent　discussions　were　in　progress　between　individual　members　of　the　audience；　sticks　were　brandished　threateningly；　others　beat　a　tattoo　on　the　floor；　and　the　interrupters　were　greeted　with　yells　of　‘Put　him　out！'　or　‘Let　him　speak！'

〃M。　C　lavished　such　epithets　as　odious　and　cowardly；　monstrous；　vile；　venal　and　vindictive；　on　the　Association；　which　he　declared　he　wanted　to　destroy；〃　&c。；　&c。


How；　it　may　be　asked；　can　an　elector　form　an　opinion　under　such　conditions？　　To　put　such　a　question　is　to　harbour　a　strange　delusion　as　to　the　measure　of　liberty　that　may　be　enjoyed　by　a　collectivity。　　Crowds　have　opinions　that　have　been　imposed　upon　them；　but　they　never　boast　reasoned　opinions。　　In　the　case　under　consideration　the　opinions　and　votes　of　the　electors　are　in　the　hands　of　the　election　committees；　whose　leading　spirits　are；　as　a　rule；　publicans；　their　influence　over　the　working　men；　to　whom　they　allow　credit；　being　great。　　〃Do　you　know　what　an　election　committee　is？〃　writes　M。　Scherer；　one　of　the　most　valiant　champions　of　present…day　democracy。　　〃It　is　neither　more　nor　less　than　the　corner…stone　of　our　institutions；　the　masterpiece　of　the　political　machine。　　France　is　governed　to…day　by　the　election　committees。〃＇26＇


＇26＇　Committees　under　whatever　name；　clubs；　syndicates；　&c。；　constitute　perhaps　the　most　redoubtable　danger　resulting　from　the　power　of　crowds。　　They　represent　in　reality　the　most　impersonal　and；　in　consequence；　the　most　oppressive　form　of　tyranny。　　The　leaders　who　direct　the　committees　being　supposed　to　speak　and　act　in　the　name　of　a　collectivity；　are　freed　from　all　responsibility；　and　are　in　a　position　to　do　just　as　they　choose。　　The　most　savage　tyrant　has　never　ventured　even　to　dream　of　such　proscriptions　as

those　ordained　by　the　committees　of　the　Revolution。　　Barras　has　declared　that　they　decimated　the　convention；　picking　off　its　members　at　their　pleasure。　　So　long　as　he　was　able　to　speak　in　their　name；　Robespierre　wielded　absolute　power。　　The　moment　this　frightful　dictator　separated　himself　from　them；　for　reasons　of　personal　pride；　he　was　lost。　　The　reign　of　crowds　is　the　reign　of　committees；　that　is；　of　the　leaders　of　crowds。　　A　severer　despotism　cannot　be　imagined。



To　exert　an　influence　over　them　is　not　difficult；　provided　the　candidate　be　in　himself　acceptable　and　possess　adequate　financial　resources。　　According　to　the　admissions　of　the　donors；　three　millions　of　francs　sufficed　to　secure　the　repeated　elections　of　General　Boulanger。

Such　is　the　psychology　of　electoral　crowds。　　It　is　identical　with　that　of　other　crowds：　neither　better　nor　worse。

In　consequence　I　draw　no　conclusion　against　universal　suffrage　from　what　precedes。　　Had　I　to　settle　its　fate；　I　should　preserve　it　as　it　is　for　practical　reasons；　which　are　to　be　deduced　in　point　of　fact　from　our　investigation　of　the　psychology　of　crowds。　On　this　account　I　shall　proceed　to　set　them　forth。

No　doubt　the　weak　side　of　universal　suffrage　is　too　obvious　to　be　overlooked。　　It　cannot　be　gainsaid　that　civilisation　has　been　the　work　of　a　small　minority　of　superior　intelligences　constituting　the　culminating　point　of　a　pyramid；　whose　stages；　widening　in　proportion　to　the　decrease　of　mental　power；　represent　the　masses　of　a　nation。　　The　greatness　of　a　civilisation　cannot　assuredly　depend　upon　the　votes　given　by　inferior　elements　boasting　solely　numerical　strength。　　Doubtless；　too；　the　votes　recorded　by　crowds　are　often　very　dangerous。　　They　have　already　cost　us　several　invasions；　and　in　view　of　the　triumph　of　socialism；　for　which　they　are　preparing　the　way；　it　is　probable　that　the　vagaries　of　popular　sovereignty　will　cost　us　still　more　dearly。

Excellent；　however；　as　these　objections　are　in　theory；　in　practice　they　lose　all　force；　as　will　be　admitted　if　the　invincible　strength　be　remembered　of　ideas　transformed　into　dogmas。　　The　dogma　of　the　sovereignty　of　crowds　is　as　little　defensible；　from　the　philosophical　point　of　view；　as　the　religious　dogmas　of　the　Middle　Ages；　but　it　enjoys　at　present　the　same　absolute　power　they　formerly　enjoyed。　　It　is　as　unattackable　in　consequence　as　in　the　past　were　our　religious　ideas。　　Imagine　a　modern　freethinker　miraculously　transported　into　the　midst　of　the　Middle　Ages。　　Do　you　suppose　that；　after　having　ascertained　the　sovereign　power　of　the　religious　ideas　that　were　then　in　force；　he　would　have　been　tempted　to　attack　them？　　Having　fallen　into　the　hands　of　a　judge　disposed　to　send　him　to　the　stake；　under　the　imputation　of　having　concluded　a　pact　with　the　devil；　or　of　having　been　present　at　the　witches　sabbath；　would　it　have　occurred　to　him　to　call　in　question　the　existence　of　the　devil　or　of　the　sabbath？　　It　were　as　wise　to　oppose　cyclones　with　discussion　as　the　beliefs　of　crowds。　　The　dogma　of　universal　suffrage　possesses　to…day　the　power　the　Christian　dogmas　formerly　possessed。　　Orators　and　writers　allude　to　it　with　a　respect　and　adulation　that　never　fell　to　the　share　of　Louis　XIV。　　In　consequence　the　same　position　must　be　taken　up　with　regard　to　it　as　with　regard　to　all　religious　dogmas。　　Time　alone　can　act　upon　them。

Besides；　it　would　be　the　more　useless　to　attempt　to　undermine　this　dogma；　inasmuch　as　it　has　an　appearance　of　reasonableness　in　its　favour。　　〃In　an　era　of　equality；〃　Tocqueville　justly　remarks；　〃men　have　no　faith　in　each　other　on　account　of　their　being　all　alike；　yet　this　same　similitude　gives　them　an　almost　limitless　confidence　in　the　judgment　of　the　public；　the　reason　being　that　it　does　not　appear　probable　that；　all　men　being　equally　enlightened；　truth　and　numerical　superiority　should　not　go　hand　in　hand。〃

Must　it　be　believed　that　with　a　restricted　suffragea　suffrage　restricted　to　those　intellectually　capable　if　it　be　desiredan　improvement　would　be　effected　in　the　votes　of　crowds？　　I　cannot　admit　for　a　moment　that　this　would　be　the　case；　and　that　for　the　reasons　I　have　already　given　touching　the　mental　inferiority　of　all　collectivities；　whatever　their　composition。　　In　a　crowd　men　always　tend　to　the　same　level；　and；　on　general　questions；　a　vote；　recorded　by　forty　academicians　is　no　better　than　that　of　forty　water…carriers。　　I　do　not　in　the　least　believe　that　any　of　the　votes　for　which　universal　suffrage　is　blamedthe　re…establishment　of　the　Empire；　for　instance　would　have　fallen　out　differently　had　the　voters　been　exclusively　recruited　among　learned　and　liberally　educated　men。　　It　does　not　follow　because　an　individual　knows　Greek　or　mathematics；　is　an　architect；　a　veterinary　surgeon；　a　doctor；　or　a　barrister；　that　he　is　endowed　with　a　special　intelligence　of　social　questions。　　All　our　political　economists　are　highly　educated；　being　for　the　most　part　professors　or　academicians；　yet　is　there　a　single　general　questionprotection；　bimetallism；　&c。on　which　they　have　succeeded　in　agreeing？　　The　explanation　is　that　their　science　is　only　a　very　attenuated　form　of　our　universal　ignorance。　　With　regard　to　social　problems；　owing　to　the　number　of　unknown　quantities　they　offer；　men　are　substantially；　equally　ignorant。

In　consequence；　were　the　electorate　solely　composed　of　persons　stuffed　with　sciences　their　votes　would　be　no　better　than　those　emitted　at　present。　　They　would　be　guided　in　the　main　by　their　sentiments　and　by　party　spirit。　　We　should　be　spared　none　of　the　difficulties　we　now　have　to　contend　with；　and　we　should　certainly　be　subjected　to　the　oppressive　tyranny　of　castes。

Whether　the　suffrage　of　crowds　be　restricted　or　general；　whether　it　be　exercised　under　a　republic　or　a　monarchy；　in　France