abraham lincoln and the union-第12章

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t　in　the　same　sense　as　Bell　and　Everett。

Perhaps　the　truest　Unionists　of　the　North；　outside　the　Constitutional　Union　Party；　in　1860；　were　those　Democrats　in　the　following　of　Douglas　who；　after　fighting　to　the　last　ditch　against　both　the　sectional　parties；　were　to　accept；　in　1861；　the　alternative　of　war　rather　than　dissolution。　　The　course　of　Douglas　himself；　as　we　shall　see　hereafter；　showed　that　in　his　mind　there　was　a　fixed　limit　of　concession　beyond　which　he　could　not　go。　When　circumstances　forced　him　to　that　limit；　the　sentiment　of　Union　took　control　of　him；　swept　aside　his　political　jugglery；　abolished　his　time…serving；　and　drove　him　into　cooperation　with　his　bitterest　foes　that　the　Union　might　be　saved。　　Nor　was　the　pure　sentiment　of　Union　confined　to　the　North　and　West。　　Though　undoubtedly　the　sentiment　of　locality　was　more　powerful　through　the　South；　yet　when　the　test　came　in　the　election　of　1860；　the　leading　candidate　of　the　upper　South；　in　Virginia；　Kentucky；　and　Tennessee；　was　John　Bell；　the　Constitutional　Unionist。　　In　every　Southern　State　this　sentiment　was　able　to　command　a　considerable　part　of　the　vote。*

*A　possible　exception　was　South　Carolina。　　As　the　presidential　electors　were　appointed　by　the　legislature；　there　is　no　certain　record　of　minority　sentiment。


Widely　different　in　temper　were　those　stern　and　resolute　men　whose　organization；　in　perfect　fighting　trim；　faced　eagerly　the　divided　Democrats。　　The　Republicans　had　no　division　among　themselves　upon　doctrine。　　Such　division　as　existed　was　due　to　the　ordinary　rivalry　of　political　leaders。　　In　the　opinion　of　all　his　enemies　and　of　most　Americans；　Seward　was　the　Republican　man　of　the　hour。　During　much　of　1859　he　had　discreetly　withdrawn　from　the　country　and　had　left　to　his　partisans　the　conduct　of　his　campaign；　which　seems　to　have　been　going　well　when　he　returned　in　the　midst　of　the　turmoil　following　the　death　of　John　Brown。　　Nevertheless　he　was　disturbed　over　his　prospects；　for　he　found　that　in　many　minds；　both　North　and　South；　he　was　looked　upon　as　the　ultimate　cause　of　all　the　turmoil。　　His　famous　speech　on　the　〃irrepressible　conflict〃　was　everywhere　quoted　as　an　exultant　prophecy　of　these　terrible　latter　days。

It　was　long　the　custom　to　deny　to　Seward　any　good　motive　in　a　speech　which　he　now　delivered；　just　as　it　was　to　deny　Webster　any　good　motive　for　his　famous　7th　of　March　speech。　　But　such　criticism　is　now　less　frequent　than　it　used　to　be。　　Both　men　were　seeking　the　Presidency；　both；　we　may　fairly　believe；　were　shocked　by　the　turmoil　of　political　currents；　each　tried　oiling　the　waters；　and　in　the　attempt　each　ruined　his　candidacy。　　Seward's　speech　in　condemnation　of　John　Brown　in　February；　1860；　was　an　appeal　to　the　conservative　North　against　the　radical　North；　and　to　many　of　his　followers　it　seemed　a　change　of　front。　　It　certainly　gained　him　no　new　friends　and　it　lost　him　some　old　ones；　so　that　his　star　as　a　presidential　candidate　began　its　decline。

The　first　ballot　in　the　Republican　convention　surprised　the　country。　　Of　the　votes；　233　were　necessary　for　a　choice。　　Seward　had　only　173　1/2。　　Next　to　him；　with　102　votes；　stood　none　of　the　leading　candidates；　but　the　comparatively　obscure　Lincoln。　　A　gap　of　more　than　50　votes　separated　Lincoln　from　Cameron；　Chase；　and　Bates。　　On　the　second　ballot　Seward　gained　11　votes；　while　Lincoln　gained　79。　　The　enemies　of　Seward；　finding　it　impossible　to　combine　on　any　of　the　conspicuous　candidates；　were　moving　toward　Lincoln；　the　man　with　fewest　enemies。　　The　third　ballot　gave　Lincoln　the　nomination。

We　have　seen　that　one　of　the　basal　questions　of　the　time　was　which　new　political　group　should　absorb　the　Whig　remainder。　　The　Constitutional　Union　party　aimed　to　accomplish　this。　　The　Republicans　sought　to　out…maneuver　them。　　They　made　their　platform　as　temperate　as　they　could　and　yet　consistent　with　the　maintenance　of　their　opposition　to　Douglas　and　popular　sovereignty；　and　they　went　no　further　in　their　anti…slavery　demands　than　that　the　territories　should　be　preserved　for　free　labor。

Another　basal　question　had　been　considered　in　the　Republican　platform。　　Where　would　Northern　capital　stand　in　the　reorganization　of　parties？　　Was　capital；　like　men；　to　become　frankly　sectional　or　would　it　remain　impersonal；　careless　how　nations　rose　or　fell；　so　long　as　dividends　continued？　　To　some　extent　capital　had　given　an　answer。　　When；　in　the　excitement　following　the　John　Brown　incident；　a　Southern　newspaper　published　a　white　list　of　New　York　merchants　whose　political　views　should　commend　them　to　Southerners；　and　a　black　list　of　those　who　were　objectionable；　many　New　Yorkers　sought　a　place　in　the　white　list。　Northern　capital　had　done　its　part　in　financing　the　revived　slave　trade。　August　Belmont；　the　New　York　representative　of　the　Rothschilds；　was　one　of　the　close　allies　of　Davis；　Yancey；　and　Benjamin　in　their　war　upon　Douglas。　　In　a　word；　a　great　portion　of　Northern　capital　had　its　heart　where　its　investments　werein　the　South。　But　there　was　other　capital　which　obeyed　the　same　law；　and　which　had　investments　in　the　North；　and　with　this　capital　the　Republicans　had　been　trafficking。　　They　had　succeeded　in　winning　over　the　powerful　manufacturing　interests　of　Pennsylvania；　the　pivotal　State　that　had　elected　Buchanan　in　1856。

The　steps　by　which　the　new　party　of　enthusiasm　made　its　deal　with　the　body　of　capital　which　was　not　at　one　with　Belmont　and　the　Democrats　are　not　essential　to　the　present　narrative。　　Two　facts　suffice。　　In　1857　a　great　collapse　in　American　business〃the　panic　of　fifty…seven〃led　the　commercial　world　to　turn　to　the　party　in　power　for　some　scheme　of　redress。　　But　their　very　principles；　among　which　was　non…intervention　in　business；　made　the　Democrats　feeble　doctors　for　such　a　need；　and　they　evaded　the　situation。　　The　Republicans；　with　their　insistence　on　positivism　in　government；　had　therefore　an　opportunity　to　make　a　new　application　of　the　doctrine　of　governmental　aid　to　business。　　In　the　spring　of　1860；　the　Republican　House　of　Representatives　passed　the　Morrill　tariff　bill；　consideration　of　which　was　postponed　by　the　Democratic　Senate。　　But　it　served　its　purpose：　it　was　a　Republican　manifesto。　　The　Republicans　felt　that　this　bill；　together　with　their　party　platform；　gave　the　necessary　guarantee　to　the　Pennsylvania　manufacturers；　and　they　therefore　entered　the　campaign　confident　they　would　carry　Pennsylvania　nor　was　their　confidence　misplaced。

The　campaign　was　characterized　by　three　things：　by　an　ominous　quiet　coupled　with　great　intensity　of　feeling；　by　the　organization　of　huge　party　societies　in　military　form〃Wide…awakes〃　for　Lincoln；　numbering　400；000；　and　〃Minute　Men〃　for　Breckenridge；　with　a　membership　chiefly　Southern；　and　by　the　perfect　frankness；　in　all　parts　of　the　South；　of　threats　of　secession　in　case　the　Republicans　won。

In　none　of　the　States　which　eventually　seceded　were　any　votes　cast　for　Lincoln；　with　the　exception　of　a　small　number　in　Virginia。　　In　almost　all　the　other　Southern　States　and　in　the　slave…holding　border　States；　all　the　other　candidates　made　respectable　showings。　In　Virginia；　Tennessee；　and　Kentucky；　Bell　led。　　But　everywhere　else　in　the　other　slave…holding　States　Breckinridge　led；　excepting　in　Missouri　where　Douglas　won　by　a　few　hundred。　　Every　free　State　except　New　Jersey　went　for　Lincoln。　　And　yet　he　did　not　have　a　majority　of　the　popular　vote；　which　stood：　Lincoln；　1；866；459；　Douglas；　1；376；957；　Breckinridge；　849；781；　Bell；　588；879*。　　The　majority　against　Lincoln　was　nearly　a　million。　　The　distribution　of　the　votes　was　such　that　Lincoln　had　in　the　Electoral　College；　180　electors；　Breckinridge；　72；　Bell；　39；　Douglas；　12。　　In　neither　House　of　Congress　did　the　Republicans　have　a　majority。

*The　figures　of　the　popular　vote　are　variously　given　by　different　compilers。　　These　are　taken　from　Stanwood；　〃A　History　of　the　Presidency〃。



CHAPTER　V。　SECESSION

In　tracing　American　history　from　1854　to　1860　we　cannot　fail　to　observe　that　it　reduces　itself　chiefly　to　a　problem　in　that　science　which　politicians　understand　so　wellapplied　psychology。　Definite　types　of　men　moulded　by　the　conditions　of　those　days　are　the　determining　factorsnot　the　slavery　question　in　itself；　not；　p