abraham lincoln and the union-第1章

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Abraham　Lincoln　and　the　Union

A　Chronicle　of　the　Embattled　North



by　Nathaniel　W。　Stephenson







　PREFACE

In　spite　of　a　lapse　of　sixty　years；　the　historian　who　attempts　to　portray　the　era　of　Lincoln　is　still　faced　with　almost　impossible　demands　and　still　confronted　with　arbitrary　points　of　view。　　It　is　out　of　the　question；　in　a　book　so　brief　as　this　must　necessarily　be；　to　meet　all　these　demands　or　to　alter　these　points　of　view。　Interests　that　are　purely　local；　events　that　did　not　with　certainty　contribute　to　the　final　outcome；　gossip；　as　well　as　the　mere　caprice　of　the　scholarthese　must　obviously　be　set　aside。

The　task　imposed　upon　the　volume　resolves　itself；　at　bottom；　into　just　two　questions：　Why　was　there　a　war？　Why　was　the　Lincoln　Government　successful？　With　these　two　questions　always　in　mind　I　have　endeavored；　on　the　one　hand；　to　select　and　consolidate　the　pertinent　facts；　on　the　other；　to　make　clear；　even　at　the　cost　of　explanatory　comment；　their　relations　in　the　historical　sequence　of　cause　and　effect。　　This　purpose　has　particularly　governed　the　use　of　biographical　matter；　in　which　the　main　illustration；　of　course；　is　the　career　of　Lincoln。　　Prominent　as　it　is　here　made；　the　Lincoln　matter　all　bears　in　the　last　analysis　on　one　pointhis　control　of　his　support。　　On　that　the　history　of　the　North　hinges。　　The　personal　and　private　Lincoln　it　is　impossible　to　present　within　these　pages。　　The　public　Lincoln；　including　the　character　of　his　mind；　is　here　the　essential　matter。

The　bibliography　at　the　close　of　the　volume　indicates　the　more　important　books　which　are　at　the　reader's　disposal　and　which　it　is　unfortunate　not　to　know。

NATHANIEL　W。　STEPHENSON。　Charleston；　S。　C。；　March；　1918。　





I。　THE　TWO　NATIONS　OF　THE　REPUBLIC

II。　THE　PARTY　OF　POLITICAL　EVASION

III。　THE　POLITICIANS　AND　THE　NEW　DAY

IV。　THE　CRISIS

V。　SECESSION

VI。　WAR

VII。　LINCOLN

VIII。　THE　RULE　OF　LINCOLN

IX。　THE　CRUCIAL　MATTER

X。　THE　SECRETARY　OF　THE　TREASURY

XI。　NORTHERN　LIFE　DURING　THE　WAR

XII。　THE　MEXICAN　EPISODE

XIII。　THE　PLEBISCITE　OF　1864

XIV。　LINCOLN'S　FINAL　INTENTIONS

BIBLIOGRAPHICAL　NOTE



CHAPTER　I

THE　TWO　NATIONS　OF　THE　REPUBLIC


〃There　is　really　no　Union　now　between　the　North　and　the　South。。。。　No　two　nations　upon　earth　entertain　feelings　of　more　bitter　rancor　toward　each　other　than　these　two　nations　of　the　Republic。〃

This　remark；　which　is　attributed　to　Senator　Benjamin　Wade　of　Ohio；　provides　the　key　to　American　politics　in　the　decade　following　the　Compromise　of　1850。　　To　trace　this　division　of　the　people　to　its　ultimate　source；　one　would　have　to　go　far　back　into　colonial　times。　There　was　a　process　of　natural　selection　at　work；　in　the　intellectual　and　economic　conditions　of　the　eighteenth

century；　which　inevitably　drew　together　certain　types　and　generated　certain　forces。　　This　process　manifested　itself　in　one　form　in　His　Majesty's　plantations　of　the　North；　and　in　another　in　those　of　the　South。　　As　early　as　the　opening　of　the　nineteenth　century；　the　social　tendencies　of　the　two　regions　were　already　so　far　alienated　that　they　involved　differences　which　would　scarcely　admit　of　reconciliation。　　It　is　a　truism　to　say　that　these　differences　gradually　were　concentrated　around　fundamentally　different　conceptions　of　laborof　slave　labor　in　the　South；　of　free　labor　in　the　North。

Nothing；　however；　could　be　more　fallacious　than　the　notion　that　this　growing　antagonism　was　controlled　by　any　deliberate　purpose　in　either　part　of　the　country。　　It　was　apparently　necessary　that　this　Republic　in　its　evolution　should　proceed　from　confederation　to　nationality　through　an　intermediate　and　apparently　reactionary　period　of　sectionalism。　　In　this　stage　of　American　history；　slavery　was　without　doubt　one　of　the　prime　factors　involved；　but　sectional　consciousness；　with　all　its　emotional　and　psychological　implications；　was　the　fundamental　impulse　of　the　stern　events　which　occurred　between　1850　and　1865。

By　the　middle　of　the　nineteenth　century　the　more　influential　Southerners　had　come　generally　to　regard　their　section　of　the　country　as　a　distinct　social　unit。　　The　next　step　was　inevitable。　The　South　began　to　regard　itself　as　a　separate　political　unit。　　It　is　the　distinction　of　Calhoun　that　he　showed　himself　toward　the　end　sufficiently　flexible　to　become　the　exponent　of　this　new　political　impulse。　　With　all　his　earlier　fire　he　encouraged　the　Southerners　to　withdraw　from　the　so…called　national　parties；　Whig　and　Democratic；　to　establish　instead　a　single　Southern　party；　and　to　formulate；　by　means　of　popular　conventions；　a　single　concerted　policy　for　the　entire　South。

At　that　time　such　a　policy　was　still　regarded；　from　the　Southern　point　of　view；　as　a　radical　idea。　　In　1851；　a　battle　was　fought　at　the　polls　between　the　two　Southern　ideasthe　old　one　which　upheld　separate　state　independence；　and　the　new　one　which　virtually　acknowledged　Southern　nationality。　　The　issue　at　stake　was　the　acceptance　or　the　rejection　of　a　compromise　which　could　bring　no　permanent　settlement　of　fundamental　differences。

Nowhere　was　the　battle　more　interesting　than　in　South　Carolina；　for　it　brought　into　clear　light　that　powerful　Southern　leader　who　ten　years　later　was　to　be　the　masterspirit　of　secessionRobert　Barnwell　Rhett。　　In　1851　he　fought　hard　to　revive　the　older　idea　of　state　independence　and　to　carry　South　Carolina　as　a　separate　state　out　of　the　Union。　　Accordingly　it　is　significant　of　the　progress　that　the　consolidation　of　the　South　had　made　at　this　date　that　on　this　issue　Rhett　encountered　general　opposition。　　This　difference　of　opinion　as　to　policy　was　not　inspired；　as　some　historians　have　too　hastily　concluded；　by　national　feeling。　Scarcely　any　of　the　leaders　of　the　opposition　considered　the　Federal　Government　supreme　over　the　State　Government。　　They　opposed　Rhett　because　they　felt　secession　to　be　at　that　moment　bad　policy。　　They　saw　that；　if　South　Carolina　went　out　of　the　Union　in　1851；　she　would　go　alone　and　the　solidarity　of　the　South　would　be　broken。　　They　were　not　lacking　in　sectional　patriotism；　but　their　conception　of　the　best　solution　of　the　complex　problem　differed　from　that　advocated　by　Rhett。　　Their　position　was　summed　up　by　Langdon　Cheves　when　he　said；　〃To　secede　now　is　to　secede　from　the　South　as　well　as　from　the　Union。〃　　On　the　basis　of　this　belief　they　defeated　Rhett　and　put　off　secession　for　ten　years。

There　is　no　analogous　single　event　in　the　history　of　the　North；　previous　to　the　war；　which　reveals　with　similar　clearness　a　sectional　consciousness。　　On　the　surface　the　life　of　the　people　seemed；　indeed；　to　belie　the　existence　of　any　such　feeling。　　The　Northern　capitalist　class　aimed　steadily　at　being　non…sectional；　and　it　made　free　use　of　the　word　national。　　We　must　not　forget；　however；　that　all　sorts　of　people　talked　of　national　institutions；　and　that　the　term；　until　we　look　closely　into　the　mind　of；　the　person　using　it；　signifies　nothing。　　Because　the　Northern　capitalist　repudiated　the　idea　of　sectionalism；　it　does　not　follow　that　he　set　up　any　other　in　its　place。　　Instead　of　accomplishing　anything　so　positive；　he　remained　for　the　most　part　a　negative　quantity。

Living　usually　somewhere　between　Maine　and　Ohio；　he　made　it　his　chief　purpose　to　regulate　the　outflow　of　manufactures　from　that　industrial　region　and　the　inflow　of　agricultural　produce。　　The　movement　of　the　latter　eastward　and　northward；　and　the　former　westward　and　southward；　represents　roughly　but　graphically　the　movement　of　the　business　of　that　time。　　The　Easterner　lived　in　fear　of　losing　the　money　which　was　owed　him　in　the　South。　　As　the　political　and　economic　conditions　of　the　day　made　unlikely　any　serious　clash　of　interest　between　the　East　and　the　West；　he　had　little　solicitude　about　his　accounts　beyond　the　Alleghanies。　　But　a　gradually　developing　hostility　between　North　and　South　was　accompanied　by　a　parallel　anxiety　on　the　part　of　Northern　capital　for　its　Southern　investments　and　debts。　　When　the　war　eventually　became　inevitable；　200；000；000　were　owed　by　Southerners　to　Northerners。　　For　those　days　this　was　an　indebtedness　of　no　inconsiderable　magnitude。　　The　Northern　capitalists；　preoccupied　with　their　desire