of commerce-第2章

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YORKSHIRE；　sent　to　the　expedition　against　SICILY　near　forty
thousand　men。　DIONYSIUS　the　elder；　it　is　said；　maintained　a
standing　army　of　a　hundred　thousand　foot　and　ten　thousand　horse；
besides　a　large　fleet　of　four　hundred　sail；　though　his
territories　extended　no　farther　than　the　city　of　SYRACUSE；　about
a　third　of　the　island　of　SICILY；　and　some　sea…port　towns　and
garrisons　on　the　coast　of　ITALY　and　ILLYRICUM。　It　is　true；　the
ancient　armies；　in　time　of　war；　subsisted　much　upon　plunder：　But
did　not　the　enemy　plunder　in　their　turn？　which　was　a　more　ruinous
way　of　levying　a　tax；　than　any　other　that　could　be　devised。　In
short；　no　probable　reason　can　be　assigned　for　the　great　power　of
the　more　ancient　states　above　the　modern；　but　their　want　of
commerce　and　luxury。　Few　artizans　were　maintained　by　the　labour
of　the　farmers；　and　therefore　more　soldiers　might　live　upon　it。
LIVY　says；　that　ROME；　in　his　time；　would　find　it　difficult　to
raise　as　large　an　army　as　that　which；　in　her　early　days；　she　sent
out　against　the　GAULS　and　LATINS。　Instead　of　those　soldiers　who
fought　for　liberty　and　empire　in　CAMILLUS'S　time；　there　were；　in
AUGUSTUS'S　days；　musicians；　painters；　cooks；　players；　and
tailors；　and　if　the　land　was　equally　cultivated　at　both　periods；
it　could　certainly　maintain　equal　numbers　in　the　one　profession
as　in　the　other。　They　added　nothing　to　the　mere　necessaries　of
life；　in　the　latter　period　more　than　in　the　former。
　　　　It　is　natural　on　this　occasion　to　ask；　whether　sovereigns　may
not　return　to　the　maxims　of　ancient　policy；　and　consult　their　own
interest　in　this　respect；　more　than　the　happiness　of　their
subjects？　I　answer；　that　it　appears　to　me；　almost　impossible；　and
that　because　ancient　policy　was　violent；　and　contrary　to　the　more
natural　and　usual　course　of　things。　It　is　well　known　with　what
peculiar　laws　SPARTA　was　governed；　and　what　a　prodigy　that
republic　is　justly　esteemed　by　every　one；　who　has　considered
human　nature　as　it　has　displayed　itself　in　other　nations；　and
other　ages。　Were　the　testimony　of　history　less　positive　and
circumstantial；　such　a　government　would　appear　a　mere
philosophical　whim　or　fiction；　and　impossible　ever　to　be　reduced
to　practice。　And　though　the　ROMAN　and　other　ancient　republics
were　supported　on　principles　somewhat　more　natural；　yet　was　there
an　extraordinary　concurrence　of　circumstances　to　make　them　submit
to　such　grievous　burthens。　They　were　free　states；　they　were　small
ones；　and　the　age　being　martial；　all　their　neighbours　were
continually　in　arms。　Freedom　naturally　begets　public　spirit；
especially　in　small　states；　and　this　public　spirit；　this　amor
patriae；　must　encrease；　when　the　public　is　almost　in　continual
alarm；　and　men　are　obliged；　every　moment；　to　expose　themselves　to
the　greatest　dangers　for　its　defence。　A　continual　succession　of
wars　makes　every　citizen　a　soldier：　He　takes　the　field　in　his
turn：　And　during　his　service　he　is　chiefly　maintained　by　himself。
This　service　is　indeed　equivalent　to　a　heavy　tax；　yet　is　it　less
felt　by　a　people　addicted　to　arms；　who　fight　for　honour　and
revenge　more　than　pay；　and　are　unacquainted　with　gain　and
industry　as　well　as　pleasure。　Not　to　mention　the　great　equality
of　fortunes　among　the　inhabitants　of　the　ancient　republics；　where
every　field；　belonging　to　a　different　proprietor；　was　able　to
maintain　a　family；　and　rendered　the　numbers　of　citizens　very
considerable；　even　without　trade　and　manufactures。
　　　　But　though　the　want　of　trade　and　manufactures；　among　a　free
and　very　martial　people；　may　sometimes　have　no　other　effect　than
to　render　the　public　more　powerful；　it　is　certain；　that；　in　the
common　course　of　human　affairs；　it　will　have　a　quite　contrary
tendency。　Sovereigns　must　take　mankind　as　they　find　them；　and
cannot　pretend　to　introduce　any　violent　change　in　their
principles　and　ways　of　thinking。　A　long　course　of　time；　with　a
variety　of　accidents　and　circumstances；　are　requisite　to　produce
those　great　revolutions；　which　so　much　diversify　the　face　of
human　affairs。　And　the　less　natural　any　set　of　principles　are；
which　support　a　particular　society；　the　more　difficulty　will　a
legislator　meet　with　in　raising　and　cultivating　them。　It　is　his
best　policy　to　comply　with　the　common　bent　of　mankind；　and　give
it　all　the　improvements　of　which　it　is　susceptible。　Now；
according　to　the　most　natural　course　of　things；　industry　and　arts
and　trade　encrease　the　power　of　the　sovereign　as　well　as　the
happiness　of　the　subjects；　and　that　policy　is　violent；　which
aggrandizes　the　public　by　the　poverty　of　individuals。　This　will
easily　appear　from　a　few　considerations；　which　will　present　to　us
the　consequences　of　sloth　and　barbarity。
　　　　Where　manufactures　and　mechanic　arts　are　not　cultivated；　the
bulk　of　the　people　must　apply　themselves　to　agriculture；　and　if
their　skill　and　industry　encrease；　there　must　arise　a　great
superfluity　from　their　labour　beyond　what　suffices　to　maintain
them。　They　have　no　temptation；　therefore；　to　encrease　their　skill
and　industry；　since　they　cannot　exchange　that　superfluity　for　any
commodities；　which　may　serve　either　to　their　pleasure　or　vanity。
A　habit　of　indolence　naturally　prevails。　The　greater　part　of　the
land　lies　uncultivated。　What　is　cultivated；　yields　not　its　utmost
for　want　of　skill　and　assiduity　in　the　farmers。　If　at　any　time
the　public　exigencies　require；　that　great　numbers　should　be
employed　in　the　public　service；　the　labour　of　the　people
furnishes　now　no　superfluities；　by　which　these　numbers　can　be
maintained。　The　labourers　cannot　encrease　their　skill　and
industry　on　a　sudden。　Lands　uncultivated　cannot　be　brought　into
tillage　for　some　years。　The　armies；　mean　while；　must　either　make
sudden　and　violent　conquests；　or　disband　for　want　of　subsistence。
A　regular　attack　or　defence；　therefore；　is　not　to　be　expected
from　such　a　people；　and　their　soldiers　must　be　as　ignorant　and
unskilful　as　their　farmers　and　manufacturers。
　　　　Every　thing　in　the　world　is　purchased　by　labour；　and　our
passions　are　the　only　causes　of　labour。　When　a　nation　abounds　in
manufactures　and　mechanic　arts；　the　proprietors　of　land；　as　well
as　the　farmers；　study　agriculture　as　a　science；　and　redouble
their　industry　and　attention。　The　superfluity；　which　arises　from
their　labour；　is　not　lost；　but　is　exchanged　with　manufactures　for
those　commodities；　which　men's　luxury　now　makes　them　covet。　By
this　means；　land　furnishes　a　great　deal　more　of　the　necessaries
of　life；　than　what　suffices　for　those　who　cultivate　it。　In　times
of　peace　and　tranquillity；　this　superfluity　goes　to　the
maintenance　of　manufacturers；　and　the　improvers　of　liberal　arts。
But　it　is　easy　for　the　public　to　convert　many　of　these
manufacturers　into　soldiers；　and　maintain　them　by　that
superfluity；　which　arises　from　the　labour　of　the　farmers。
Accordingly　we　find；　that　this　is　the　case　in　all　civilized
governments。　When　the　sovereign　raises　an　army；　what　is　the
consequence？　He　imposes　a　tax。　This　tax　obliges　all　the　people　to
retrench　what　is　least　necessary　to　their　subsistence。　Those；　who
labour　in　such　commodities；　must　either　enlist　in　the　troops；　or
turn　themselves　to　agriculture；　and　thereby　oblige　some　labourers
to　enlist　for　want　of　business。　And　to　consider　the　matter
abstractedly；　manufactures　encrease　the　power　of　the　state　only
as　they　store　up　so　much　labour；　and　that　of　a　kind　to　which　the
public　may　lay　claim；　without　depriving　any　one　of　the
necessaries　of　life。　The　more　labour；　therefore；　is　employed
beyond　mere　necessaries；　the　more　powerful　is　any　state；　since
the　persons　engaged　in　that　labour　may　easily　be　converted　to　the
public　service。　In　a　state　without　manufactures；　there　may　be　the
same　number　of　hands；　but　there　is　not　the　same　quantity　of
labour；　nor　of　the　same　kind。　All　the　labour　is　there　bestowed
upon　necessaries；　which　can　admit　of　little　or　no　abatement。
　　　　Thus　the　greatness　of　the　sovereign　and　the　happiness　of　the
state　are；　in　a　great　measure；　united　with　regard　to　trade　and
manufactures。　It　is　a　violent　method；　and　in　most　cases
impracticable；　to　oblige　the　labourer　to　toil；　in　order　to　raise
from　the　land　more　than　what　subsists　himself　and　family。　Furnish
him　wi