new york-第7章

按键盘上方向键 ← 或 → 可快速上下翻页，按键盘上的 Enter 键可回到本书目录页，按键盘上方向键 ↑ 可回到本页顶部！
————未阅读完？加入书签已便下次继续阅读！



under　the　pressure　of　society　in　that　quarter　of　the　world；　and

toward　which　we　are　fast　tending　by　a　rapid　accumulation　of

numbers；　the　present　institutions　of　America；　exercised　under　the

prevalent　opinions　of　the　day；　could　not　endure　a　twelvemonth。

That　which　is　now　seen　in　France　rendering　real　political　liberty

a　mere　stalking…horse　for　the　furtherance　of　the　projects　of　the

boldest　adventurers；　would　inevitably　be　seen　here；　the　bayonet

alone　would　be　relied　on　for　the　preservation　of　the　nearest　and

dearest　of　human　rights。　There　could　and　would　be　no　other

security　for　the　peace　of　society；　and　that　circle　of　power

which；　rising　in　the　masses；　ends　in　the　sceptre　of　the　single

despot；　would　once　more　be　made　as　it　might　be　in　derision　of　all

our　efforts　to　be　free。



｛now　seen　in　France　=　following　the　French　Revolution　of　1848

Louis　Napoleon　Bonaparte　（1808…1873）；　nephew　of　the　first　Emperor

Napoleon；　had　been　elected　as　President　of　France　and　was

consolidating　his　powerin　December　1851；　shortly　after　Cooper's

death；　he　would　proclaim　himself　Emperor　Napoleon　III｝



If　the　existence　of　nations　resembled　that　of　individuals；　it

would　not　be　difficult　to　foretell　the　consequences　of　this　state

of　things；　but　communities　may　be　said　to　have　no　lives；　and　are

ever　to　be　found　occupying　their　places；　and　using　the　means

assigned　to　them　by　Providence；　whether　free　or　enslaved；

prosperous　or　the　reverse。　No　one　can　foretell　the　future　of　this

great　country；　in　consequence　of　the　extent　and　number　of　its

outlets；　each　a　provision　of　Providence　to　put　a　check　on

revolutions　and　violence。



The　elements　of　a　monarchy　do　not　exist　among　us；　the　habits　of

the　entire　country　are　opposed　to　the　reception　of　such　a　form　of

government。　Nor　do　we　know；　bad　as　our　condition　is　rapidly

getting　to　be；　strong　as　are　the　tendencies　to　social

dissolution；　and　to　the　abuses　which　demand　force　to　subdue；　that

anything　would　be　gained　by　the　adoption　of　any　substitute　for

the　present　polity　of　the　country　to　be　found　in　Europe。　The

abuses　there　are　possibly　worse　than　our　own；　and　the　only

question　would　seem　to　be　as　to　the　degree　of　suffering　and　wrong

to　which　men　are　compelled　to　submit　through　the　infirmities　of

their　own　nature。　There　is　one　great　advantage　in　the　monarchical

principle；　when　subdued　by　liberal　institutions；　as　in　the　case

of　the　government　of　that　nation　from　which　we　are　derived；　which

it　would　seem　a　republic　cannot　possess。　We　allude　to　the

transmission　of　a　nominal　executive　power　that　spares　the

turmoil；　expense；　and　struggles　of　an　election；　and　which　answers

all　the　purposes　of　the　real　authorities　of　the　State　in

designating　those　who　are　to　exercise　the　functions　of　rulers　for

the　time　being。　It　has　often　been　predicted　that　the　periodical

elections　of　the　chief　magistrate　of　this　country　will；　at　no

distant　day；　destroy　the　institutions。　It　would　be　idle　to　deny

that　the　danger　manifestly　increases　with　the　expedients　of

factions；　and　that　there　are　very　grave　grounds　for　apprehending

the　worst　consequences　from　this　source　of　evil。　As　it　now　is；

the　working　of　the　system　has　already　produced　a　total　departure

from　the　original　intention　of　the　Government；　a　scheme；

probably；　that　was　radically　defective　when　adopted；　and　which

contained　the　seeds　of　its　own　ruin。　Recourse　to　electors　has

become　an　idle　form；　ponderous　and　awkward；　and　in　some　of　its

features　uselessly　hazardous。　We　are　in　the　habit　of　comparing

the　cost　of　government　in　this　country　with　that　of　other　nations

in　the　Old　World。　Beyond　a　question；　the　Americans　enjoy　great

advantages　in　this　important　particular；　owing　to　their　exemption

from　sources　of　expenses　that　weigh　so　heavily　on　those　who　rely

for　the　peace　of　society　solely　on　the　strong　hand。　But　confining

the　investigation　simply　to　the　cost　of　Executives　it　may　well　be

questioned　if　we　have　not　adopted　the　most　expensive　mode　at

present　known　among　civilized　nations。　We　entertain　very　little

doubt　that　the　cost　of　a　presidential　election　fully　equals　the

expenditures　of　the　empire　of　Great　Britain；　liberal　as　they　are

known　to　be；　for　the　maintenance　of　the　dignity　of　its　chief

magistracy。　Nor　is　this　the　worst　of　it；　for　while　much　of　the

civil　list　of　a　monarch　is　usefully　employed　in　cherishing　the

arts；　and　in　fostering　industry；　to　say　nothing　of　its　boons　to

the　dependent　and　meritorious　in　the　shape　of　pensions；　not　a

dollar　of　the　millions　that　are　wasted　every　fourth　year　among

ourselves　in　the　struggles　of　parties；　can　be　said　to　be　applied

to　a　purpose　that　has　not　a　greater　tendency　to　evil　than　to

good。　The　simple　publication　of　documents；　perhaps；　may　form　some

exception　to　these　abuses；　but　even　they　are　so　much　filled　with

falsehoods；　fallacies；　audacious　historical　misstatements；

exaggerations；　and　every　other　abuse；　naturally　connected　with

such　struggles；　that　we　are　compelled　to　yield　them　our　respect

and　credulity　with　large　allowances　for　caution　and　truth。　Were

this　the　place；　and　did　our　limits　permit；　we　would　gladly　pursue

this　subject；　for　so　completely　has　the　hurrah　of　popular　sway

looked　down　everything　like　real　freedom　in　the　discussion　of

such　a　topic　as　to　render　the　voice　of　dissent　almost　unknown　to

us。　But　our　purpose　is　merely　to　show　what　probable　effects　are

to　flow　from　the　abuses　of　the　institutions　on　the　growth　of　the

great　commercial　mart　of　which　we　are　writing。



｛recourse　to　electors　=　the　Electoral　College｝



We　certainly　think　that　even　the　looseness　of　law；　legislation；

and　justice；　that　is　so　widely　spreading　itself　over　the　land；　is

not　exactly　unsuited　to　sustain　the　rapid　settlement　of　a

country。　No　doubt　men　accomplish　more　in　the　earlier　stages　of

society　when　perfectly　unfettered；　than　when　brought　under　the

control　of　those　principles　and　regulations　which　alone　can

render　society　permanently　secure　or　happy。　In　this　sense　even

the　abuses　to　which　we　have　slightly　alluded　may　be　tolerated；

which　it　would　be　impossible　to　endure　when　the　class　of　the

needy　become　formidable　from　its　numbers；　and　they　who　had　no

other　stake　in　society　than　their　naked　assistance；　could　combine

to　transfer　the　fruits　of　the　labors　of　the　more　industrious　and

successful　to　themselves　by　a　simple　recurrence　to　the　use　of　the

ballot　box。　We　do　not　say　that　such　is　to　be　the　fate　of　this

country；　for　the　great　results　that　seem　to　be　dependent　on　its

settlement　raise　a　hope　that　the　hand　of　Providence　may　yet　guide

us　in　safety　through　the　period　of　delusion；　and　the　reign　of

political　fallacies；　which　is　fast　drawing　around　us。　Evil　is　so

much　mixed　with　good　in　all　the　interests　of　life；　that　it　would

be　bold　to　pretend　to　predict　consequences　of　such　magnitude　in

the　history　of　any　nation。　But　we　feel　persuaded　that　radical

changes　must　speedily　come；　either　from　the　powerful　but

invisible　control　of　that　Being　who　effects　his　own　purposes　in

his　own　wise　ways；　or　the　time　is　much　nearer　than　is　ordinarily

supposed　when　the　very　existence　of　the　political　institutions　of

this　country　are　to　be　brought　to　the　test　of　the　severest

practical　experiment。　The　downward　tendency　can　hardly　proceed

much　further　with　the　smallest　necessary　security　to　the　rights

of　civilized　men。　When　a　legislative　body　can　be　brought　solemnly

to　decide　by　its　vote　that　because　the　principles　of　law　leave

them　the　control　of　the　rules　for　the　descent　of　property；

therefore；　whenever　a　landlord　may　happen　to　die；　his　tenant

shall　have　the　privilege　of　converting　his　leasehold　estate　into

a　fee　on　which　the　debt　is　secured　in　the　shape　of　mortgage；

there　is　little　left　in　the　way　of　security　to　the　affluent　and

unrepresented。　They　must　unite　their　means　to　prevent

destruction；　and　woe　to　that　land　which　gives　so　plausible　an

excuse　to　the　rich　and　intelligent　for　combining　their　means　to

overt