new york-第3章

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Pompey　to　end　the　Roman　Republic；　amphitheatre　of　Verona　=　built

by　the　Emperor　Diocletian　about　290　A。D。　to　stage　gladiator

combats；　it　is　one　of　the　largest　surviving　Roman　amphitheaters｝



The　world　has　had　a　striking　example　of　the　potency　of　commerce

as　opposed　to　that　of　even　the　sword；　in　the　abortive　policy　of

Napoleon　to　exclude　England　from　the　trade　of　the　Continent。　At

the　very　moment　that　this　potentate　of　unequalled　means　and　iron

rule　was　doing　all　he　could　to　achieve　his　object；　the　goods　of

Manchester　found　their　way　into　half　of　his　dependent　provinces；

and　the　Thames　was　crowded　with　shipping　which　belonged　to　states

that　the　emperor　supposed　to　be　under　his　control。



｛abortive　policy　=　in　the　early　years　of　the　19th　century　the

French　Emperor　Napoleon　had　sought；　largely　unsuccessfully；　to

blockade　England　from　trade　with　Europe｝



As　to　the　notion　of　there　arising　any　rival　ports；　south；　to

compete　with　New　York；　it　strikes　us　as　a　chimera。　New　Orleans

will　always　maintain　a　qualified　competition　with　every　place　not

washed　by　the　waters　of　the　great　valley；　but　New　Orleans　is

nothing　but　a　local　port；　after　allof　great　wealth　and

importance；　beyond　a　doubt；　but　not　the　mart　of　America。



New　York　is　essentially　national　in　interests；　position；　and

pursuits。　No　one　thinks　of　the　place　as　belonging　to　a　particular

State；　but　to　the　United　States。　The　revenue　paid　into　the

treasury；　at　this　point；　comes　in　reality；　from　the　pockets　of

the　whole　country；　and　belongs　to　the　whole　country。　The　same　is

true　of　her　sales　and　their　proceeds。　Indeed；　there　is　very

little　political　sympathy　between　the　places　at　the　mouth　of　the

Hudson；　and　the　interiorthe　vulgar　prejudice　of　envy；　and　the

jealousy　of　the　power　of　collected　capital；　causing　the　country

to　distrust　the　town。



We　are　aware　that　the　governing　motive　of　commerce；　all　over　the

world；　is　the　love　of　gain。　It　differs　from　the　love　of　gain　in

its　lower　aspects；　merely　in　its　greater　importance　and　its

greater　activity。　These　cause　it　to　be　more　engrossing　among

merchants　than　among　the　tillers　of　the　soil：　still；　facts　prove

that　this　state　of　things　has　many　relieving　shades。　The　man　who

is　accustomed　to　deal　in　large　sums　is　usually　raised　above　the

more　sordid　vices　of　covetousness　and　avarice　in　detail。　There

are　rich　misers；　certainly；　but　they　are　exceptions。　We　do　not

believe　that　the　merchant　is　one　tittle　more　mercenary　than　the

husbandman　in　his　motives；　while　he　is　certainly　much　more

liberal　of　his　gains。　One　deals　in　thousands；　the　other　in　tens

and　twenties。　It　is　seldom；　however；　that　a　failing　market；　or　a

sterile　season；　drives　the　owner　of　the　plough　to　desperation；

and　his　principles；　if　he　have　any；　may　be　preserved；　while　the

losses　or　risks　of　an　investment　involving　more　than　the　merchant

really　owns；　suspend　him　for　a　time　on　the　tenter…hooks　of

commercial　doubt。　The　man　thus　placed　must　have　more　than　a

common　share　of　integrity；　to　reason　right　when　interest　tempts

him　to　do　wrong。



Notwithstanding　the　generally　fallacious　character　of　the

governing　motive　of　all　commercial　communities；　there　is　much　to

mitigate　its　selfishness。　The　habit　of　regarding　the　entire

country　and　its　interests　with　a　friendly　eye；　and　of　associating

themselves　with　its　fortunes；　liberalizes　its　mind　and　wishes；

and　confers　a　catholic　spirit　that　the　capital　of　a　mere　province

does　not　possess。　Boston；　for　instance；　is　leagued　with　Lowell；

and　Lawrence；　and　Cambridge；　and　seldom　acts　collectively　without

betraying　its　provincial　mood；　while　New　York　receives　her　goods

and　her　boasted　learning　by　large　tran｛s｝shipments；　without　any

special　consciousness　of　the　transactions。　This　habit　of

generalizing　in　interests　encourages　the　catholic　spirit

mentioned；　and　will　account　for　the　nationality　of　the　great　mart

of　a　great　and　much　extended　country。　The　feeling　would　be　apt　to

endure　through　many　changes；　and　keep　alive　the　connection　of

commerce　even　after　that　of　the　political　relations　may　have

ceased。　New　York；　at　this　moment；　contributes　her　full　share　to

the　prosperity　of　London；　though　she　owes　no　allegiance　to　St。

James。



The　American　Union；　however；　has　much　more　adhesiveness　than　is

commonly　imagined。　The　diversity　and　complexity　of　its　interests

form　a　network　that　will　be　found；　like　the　web　of　the　spider；　to

possess　a　power　of　resistance　far　exceeding　its　gossamer

appearanceone　strong　enough　to　hold　all　that　it　was　ever

intended　to　inclose。　The　slave　interest　is　now　making　its　final

effort　for　supremacy；　and　men　are　deceived　by　the　throes　of　a

departing　power。　The　institution　of　domestic　slavery　cannot　last。

It　is　opposed　to　the　spirit　of　the　age；　and　the　figments　of　Mr。

Calhoun；　in　affirming　that　the　Territories　belong　to　the　States；

instead　of　the　Government　of　the　United　States；　and　the

celebrated　doctrine　of　the　equilibrium；　for　which　we　look　in　vain

into　the　Constitution　for　a　single　sound　argument　to　sustain　it；

are　merely　the　expiring　efforts　of　a　reasoning　that　cannot　resist

the　common　sense　of　the　nation。　As　it　is　healthful　to　exhaust　all

such　questions；　let　us　turn　aside　a　moment；　to　give　a　passing

glance　at　this　very　material　subject。



｛Calhoun　=　Senator　John　C。　Calhoun　（1782…1850｝　of　South　Carolina｝



At　the　time　when　the　Constitution　was　adopted；　three　classes　of

persons　were　〃held　to　service〃　in　the　countryapprentices；

redemptioners；　and　slaves。　The　two　first　classes　were　by　no　means

insignificant　in　1789；　and　the　redemptioners　were　rapidly

increasing　in　numbers。　In　that　day；　it　looked　as　if　this

speculative　importation　of　laborers　from　Europe　was　to　form　a

material　part　of　the　domestic　policy　of　the　Northern　States。　Now

the　negro　is　a　human　being；　as　well　as　an　apprentice　or　a

redemptioner；　though　the　Constitution　does　not　consider　him　as

the　equal　of　either。　It　is　a　great　mistake　to　suppose　that　the

Constitution　of　the　United　States；　as　it　now　exists；　recognizes

slavery　in　any　manner　whatever；　unless　it　be　to　mark　it　as　an

interest　that　has　less　than　the　common　claim　to　the　ordinary

rights　of　humanity。　In　the　apportionment；　or　representation

clause；　the　redemptioner　and　the　apprentice　counts　each　as　a　man；

whereas　five　slaves　are　enumerated　as　only　three　free　men。　The

free　black　is　counted　as　a　man；　in　all　particulars；　and　is

represented　as　such；　but　his　fellow　in　slavery　has　only　three

fifths　of　his　political　value。



This　is　the　celebrated　clause　in　which　the　Constitution　is　said

to　recognize　slavery。　To　our　view　the　clause　is　perfectly

immaterial　in　this　sense；　making　the　simple　provision　that　so

long　as　a　State　shall　choose　to　keep　a　portion　of　her　people　in

this　subordinate　condition；　she　shall　enjoy　only　this　limited

degree　of　representation。　To　us；　it　appears　to　be　a　concession

made　to　freedom；　and　not　to　slavery。　There　is　no　obligation；

unless　self…imposed；　to　admit　any　but　a　minority　of　her　whites　to

the　enjoyment　of　political　power；　aristocracy　being；　in　truth；

more　closely　assimilated　to　republicanism　than　democracy。

Republicanism　means　the　sovereignty　of　public　THINGS　instead　of

that　of　PERSONS；　or　the　representation　of　the　COMMON　interests；

in　lieu　of　those　of　a　monarch。　There　is　no　common　principle　of

popular　sway　recognized　in　the　Constitution。　In　the　government　of

the　several　States　monarchy　is　denounced；　but　democracy　is

nowhere　proclaimed　or　insisted　on。　Marked　differences　in　the

degrees　of　popular　control　existed　in　the　country　in　1789；　and

though　time　is　lessening　them；　are　still　to　be　found　among　us。



The　close　consideration　of　all　these　facts；　we　feel　persuaded

will　give　a　coloring　to　some　of　the　most　important　interests　of

the　country；　differing　essentially　from　those　that　have　been

loosely　adopted　in　the　conflicts　of　parties；　and　many　heresies

appear　to　us　to　have　crept　into　the　political　creed　of　the

Repub