north america-1-第91章
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d West would have acted as an additional tie upon them； binding them to the finality of a constitutional enactment to which； as was of course well known； they strongly object。 There was no question of Congress interfering with slavery； with the purport of extending its area by special enactment； and therefore by such a pledge the North and West could gain nothing； but the South would in prestige have gained much。 But that third proposition as to the Fugitive Slave Law and the faithful execution of that law by the Northern and Western States would； if acceded to by Mr。 Lincoln's party； have amounted to an unconditional surrender of everything。 What！ Massachusetts and Connecticut carry out the Fugitive Slave Law？ Ohio carry out the Fugitive Slave Law after the 〃Dred Scott〃 decision and all its consequences？ Mr。 Crittenden might as well have asked Connecticut； Massachusetts； and Ohio to introduce slavery within their own lands。 The Fugitive Slave Law was then； as it is now； the law of the land； it was the law of the United States as voted by Congress； and passed by the President； and acted on by the supreme judge of the United States Court。 But it was a law to which no free State had submitted itself； or would submit itself。 〃What！〃 the English reader will say； 〃sundry States in the Union refuse to obey the laws of the Unionrefuse to submit to the constitutional action of their own Congress？〃 Yes。 Such has been the position of this country！ To such a dead lock has it been brought by the attempted but impossible amalgamation of North and South。 Mr。 Crittenden's compromise was moonshine。 It was utterly out of the question that the free States should bind themselves to the rendition of escaped slaves； or that Mr。 Lincoln； who had just been brought in by their voices； should agree to any compromise which should attempt so to bind them。 Lord Palmerston might as well attempt to reenact the Corn Laws。 Then comes the question whether Mr。 Lincoln or his government could have prevented the war after he had entered upon his office in March； 1861？ I do not suppose that any one thinks that he could have avoided secession and avoided the war also； that by any ordinary effort of government he could have secured the adhesion of the Gulf States to the Union after the first shot had been fired at Fort Sumter。 The general opinion in England is； I take it； this that secession then was manifestly necessary； and that all the blood…shed and money…shed； and all this destruction of commerce and of agriculture might have been prevented by a graceful adhesion to an indisputable fact。 But there are some facts； even some indisputable facts； to which a graceful adherence is not possible。 Could King Bomba have welcomed Garibaldi to Naples？ Can the Pope shake hands with Victor Emmanuel？ Could the English have surrendered to their rebel colonists peaceable possession of the colonies？ The indisputability of a fact is not very easily settled while the circumstances are in course of action by which the fact is to be decided。 The men of the Northern States have not believed in the necessity of secession； but have believed it to be their duty to enforce the adherence of these States to the Union。 The American governments have been much given to compromises； but had Mr。 Lincoln attempted any compromise by which any one Southern State could have been let out of the Union； he would have been impeached。 In all probability the whole Constitution would have gone to ruin； and the Presidency would have been at an end。 At any rate； his Presidency would have been at an end。 When secession； or in other words rebellion； was once commenced； he had no alternative but the use of coercive measures for putting it downthat is； he had no alternative but war。 It is not to be supposed that he or his ministry contemplated such a war as has existedwith 600；000 men in arms on one side； each man with his whole belongings maintained at a cost of 150l。 per annum； or ninety millions sterling per annum for the army。 Nor did we when we resolved to put down the French revolution think of such a national debt as we now owe。 These things grow by degrees； and the mind also grows in becoming used to them； but I cannot see that there was any moment at which Mr。 Lincoln could have stayed his hand and cried peace。 It is easy to say now that acquiescence in secession would have been better than war； but there has been no moment when he could have said so with any avail。 It was incumbent on him to put down rebellion； or to be put down by it。 So it was with us in America in 1776。 I do not think that we in England have quite sufficiently taken all this into consideration。 We have been in the habit of exclaiming very loudly against the war； execrating its cruelty and anathematizing its results； as though the cruelty were all superfluous and the results unnecessary。 But I do not remember to have seen any statement as to what the Northern States should have donewhat they should have done； that is； as regards the South； or when they should have done it。 It seems to me that we have decided as regards them that civil war is a very bad thing； and that therefore civil war should be avoided。 But bad things cannot always be avoided。 It is this feeling on our part that has produced so much irritation in them against usreproducing； of course； irritation on our part against them。 They cannot understand that we should not wish them to be successful in putting down a rebellion； nor can we understand why they should be outrageous against us for standing aloof； and keeping our hands； if it be only possible； out of the fire。 When Slidell and Mason were arrested； my opinions were not changed； but my feelings were altered。 I seemed to acknowledge to myself that the treatment to which England had been subjected； and the manner in which that treatment was discussed； made it necessary that I should regard the question as it existed between England and the States； rather than in its reference to the North and South。 I had always felt that as regarded the action of our government we had been sans reproche； that in arranging our conduct we had thought neither of money nor political influence； but simply of the justice of the casepromising to abstain from all interference and keeping that promise faithfully。 It had been quite clear to me that the men of the North； and the women also； had failed to appreciate this； looking； as men in a quarrel always do look； for special favor on their side。 Everything that England did was wrong。 If a private merchant； at his own risk； took a cargo of rifles to some Southern port； that act to Northern eyes was an act of English interferenceof favor shown to the South by England as a nation； but twenty shiploads of rifles sent from England to the North merely signified a brisk trade and a desire for profit。 The 〃James Adger；〃 a Northern man…of…war； was refitted at Southampton as a matter of course。 There was no blame to England for that。 But the Nashville； belonging to the Confederates； should not have been allowed into English waters。 It was useless to speak of neutrality。 No Northerner would understand that a rebel could have any mutual right。 The South had no claim in his eyes as a belligerent； though the North claimed all those rights which he could only enjoy by the fact of there being a recognized war between him and his enemy the South。 The North was learning to hate England； and day by day the feeling grew upon me that； much as I wished to espouse the cause of the North； I should have to espouse the cause of my own country。 Then Slidell and Mason were arrested； and I began to calculate how long I might remain in the country。 〃There is no danger。 We are quite right；〃 the lawyers said。 〃There are Vattel； and Puffendorff； and Stowell； and Phillimore； and Wheaton；〃 said the ladies。 〃Ambassadors are contraband all the world overmore so than gunpowder； and if taken in a neutral bottom；〃 etc。 I wonder why ships are always called bottoms when spoken of with legal technicality？ But neither the lawyers nor the ladies convinced me。 I know that there are matters which will be read not in accordance with any written law； but in accordance with the bias of the re
