north america-1-第58章
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with such weapons as were at her hand。 The United States army had never been numerous or well appointed； and of such officers and equipments as it possessed； the more valuable part was in the hands of the Southerners。 It was clear enough that she was ill provided； and that in going to war she was undertaking a work as to which she had still to learn many of the rudiments。 But Englishmen should be the last to twit her with such ignorance。 It is not yet ten years since we were all boasting that swords and guns were useless things； and that military expenditure might be cut down to any minimum figure that an economizing Chancellor of the Exchequer could name。 Since that we have extemporized two if not three armies。 There are our volunteers at home； and the army which holds India can hardly be considered as one with that which is to maintain our prestige in Europe and the West。 We made some natural blunders in the Crimea； but in making those blunders we taught ourselves the trade。 It is the misfortune of the Northern States that they must learn these lessons in fighting their own countrymen。 In the course of our history we have suffered the same calamity more than once。 The Round…heads； who beat the Cavaliers and created English liberty； made themselves soldiers on the bodies of their countrymen。 But England was not ruined by that civil war； nor was she ruined by those which preceded it。 From out of these she came forth stronger than she entered themstronger； better； and more fit for a great destiny in the history of nations。 The Northern States had nearly five hundred thousand men under arms when the winter of 1861 commenced； and for that enormous multitude all commissariat requirements were well supplied。 Camps and barracks sprang up through the country as though by magic。 Clothing was obtained with a rapidity that has I think； never been equaled。 The country had not been prepared for the fabrication of arms； and yet arms were put into the men's hands almost as quickly as the regiments could be mustered。 The eighteen millions of the Northern States lent themselves to the effort as one man。 Each State gave the best it had to give。 Newspapers were as rabid against each other as ever； but no newspaper could live which did not support the war。 〃The South has rebelled against the law； and the law shall be supported。〃 This has been the cry and the heartfelt feeling of all men； and it is a feeling which cannot but inspire respect。 We have heard much of the tyranny of the present government of the United States； and of the tyranny also of the people。 They have both been very tyrannical。 The 〃habeas corpus〃 has been suspended by the word of one man。 Arrests have been made on men who have been hardly suspected of more than secession principles。 Arrests have； I believe； been made in cases which have been destitute even of any fair ground for such suspicion。 Newspapers have been stopped for advocating views opposed to the feelings of the North； as freely as newspapers were ever stopped in France for opposing the Emperor。 A man has not been safe in the streets who was known to be a secessionist。 It must be at once admitted that opinion in the Northern States was not free when I was there。 But has opinion ever been free anywhere on all subjects？ In the best built strongholds of freedom； have there not always been questions on which opinion has not been free； and must it not always be so？ When the decision of a people on any matter has become； so to say； unanimouswhen it has shown itself to be so general as to be clearly the expression of the nation's voice as a single chorus； that decision becomes holy； and may not be touched。 Could any newspaper be produced in England which advocated the overthrow of the Queen？ And why may not the passion for the Union be as strong with the Northern States； as the passion for the Crown is strong with us？ The Crown with us is in no danger； and therefore the matter is at rest。 But I think we must admit that in any nation； let it be ever so free； there may be points on which opinion must be held under restraint。 And as to those summary arrests； and the suspension of the 〃habeas corpus；〃 is there not something to be said for the States government on that head also？ Military arrests are very dreadful； and the soul of a nation's liberty is that personal freedom from arbitrary interference which is signified to the world by those two unintelligible Latin words。 A man's body shalt not be kept in duress at any man's will； but shall be brought up into open court； with uttermost speed； in order that the law may say whether or no it should be kept in duress。 That I take it is the meaning of 〃habeas corpus；〃 and it is easy to see that the suspension of that privilege destroys all freedom； and places the liberty of every individual at the mercy of him who has the power to suspend it。 Nothing can be worse than this： and such suspension； if extended over any long period of years； will certainly make a nation weak； mean spirited； and poor。 But in a period of civil war； or even of a widely…extended civil commotion； things cannot work in their accustomed grooves。 A lady does not willingly get out of her bedroom…window with nothing on but her nightgown； but when her house is on fire she is very thankful for an opportunity of doing so。 It is not long since the 〃habeas corpus〃 was suspended in parts of Ireland； and absurd arrests were made almost daily when that suspension first took effect。 It was grievous that there should be necessity for such a step； and it is very grievous now that such necessity should be felt in the Northern States。 But I do not think that it becomes Englishmen to bear hardly upon Americans generally for what has been done in that matter。 Mr。 Seward； in an official letter to the British Minister at Washingtonwhich letter； through official dishonesty； found its way to the pressclaimed for the President the right of suspending the 〃habeas corpus〃 in the States whenever it might seem good to him to do so。 If this be in accordance with the law of the land； which I think must be doubted； the law of the land is not favorable to freedom。 For myself； I conceive that Mr。 Lincoln and Mr。 Seward have been wrong in their law； and that no such right is given to the President by the Constitution of the United States。 This I will attempt to prove in some subsequent chapter。 But I think it must be felt by all who have given any thought to the Constitution of the States； that let what may be the letter of the law； the Presidents of the United States have had no such power。 It is because the States have been no longer united； that Mr。 Lincoln has had the power； whether it be given to him by the law or no。 And then as to the debt； it seems to me very singular that we in England should suppose that a great commercial people would be ruined by a national debt。 As regards ourselves； I have always looked on our national debt as the ballast in our ship。 We have a great deal of ballast； but then the ship is very big。 The States also are taking in ballast at a rather rapid rate； and we too took it in quickly when we were about it。 But I cannot understand why their ship should not carry； without shipwreck； that which our ship has carried without damage； and； as I believe； with positive advantage to its sailing。 The ballast； if carried honestly； will not； I think； bring the vessel to grief。 The fear is lest the ballast should be thrown overboard。 So much I have said wishing to plead the cause of the Northern States before the bar of English opinion； and thinking that there is ground for a plea in their favor。 But yet I cannot say that their bitterness against Englishmen has been justified； or that their tone toward England has been dignified。 Their complaint is that they have received no sympathy from England； but it seems to me that a great nation should not require an expression of sympathy during its struggle。 Sympathy is for the weak rather than for the strong。 When I hear two powerful men contending together in argument； I do not sympathize with him who has the best of it； but I watch the precision of his logic and acknowledge the effects of his rhetoric。 There has been a whini
