wealbk05-第82章

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union　with　Great　Britain　the　inhabitants　of　Ireland　are　not

likely　for　many　ages　to　consider　themselves　as　one　people。

　　　　　No　oppressive　aristocracy　has　ever　prevailed　in　the

colonies。　Even　they；　however；　would；　in　point　of　happiness　and

tranquility；　gain　considerably　by　a　union　with　Great　Britain。　It

would；　at　least；　deliver　them　from　those　rancorous　and　virulent

factions　which　are　inseparable　from　small　democracies；　and　which

have　so　frequently　divided　the　affections　of　their　people；　and

disturbed　the　tranquillity　of　their　governments；　in　their　form　so

nearly　democratical。　In　the　case　of　a　total　separation　from　Great

Britain；　which；　unless　prevented　by　a　union　of　this　kind；　seems

very　likely　to　take　place；　those　factions　would　be　ten　times　more

virulent　than　ever。　Before　the　commencement　of　the　present

disturbances；　the　coercive　power　of　the　mother　country　had　always

been　able　to　restrain　those　factions　from　breaking　out　into

anything　worse　than　gross　brutality　and　insult。　If　that　coercive

power　were　entirely　taken　away；　they　would　probably　soon　break

out　into　open　violence　and　bloodshed。　In　all　great　countries

which　are　united　under　one　uniform　government；　the　spirit　of

party　commonly　prevails　less　in　the　remote　provinces　than　in　the

centre　of　the　empire。　The　distance　of　those　provinces　from　the

capital；　from　the　principal　seat　of　the　great　scramble　of　faction

and　ambition；　makes　them　enter　less　into　the　views　of　any　of　the

contending　parties；　and　renders　them　more　indifferent　and

impartial　spectators　of　the　conduct　of　all。　The　spirit　of　party

prevails　less　in　Scotland　than　in　England。　In　the　case　of　a　union

it　would　probably　prevail　less　in　Ireland　than　in　Scotland；　and

the　colonies　would　probably　soon　enjoy　a　degree　of　concord　and

unanimity　at　present　unknown　in　any　part　of　the　British　empire。

Both　Ireland　and　the　colonies；　indeed；　would　be　subjected　to

heavier　taxes　than　any　which　they　at　present　pay。　In　consequence；

however；　of　a　diligent　and　faithful　application　of　the　public

revenue　towards　the　discharge　of　the　national　debt；　the　greater

part　of　those　taxes　might　not　be　of　long　continuance；　and　the

public　revenue　of　Great　Britain　might　soon　be　reduced　to　what　was

necessary　for　maintaining　a　moderate　peace　establishment。

　　　　　The　territorial　acquisitions　of　the　East　India　Company；　the

undoubted　right　of　the　crown；　that　is；　of　the　state　and　people　of

Great　Britain；　might　be　rendered　another　source　of　revenue　more

abundant；　perhaps；　than　all　those　already　mentioned。　Those

countries　are　represented　as　more　fertile；　more　extensive；　and；

in　proportion　to　their　extent；　much　richer　and　more　populous　than

Great　Britain。　In　order　to　draw　a　great　revenue　from　them；　it

would　not　probably　be　necessary　to　introduce　any　new　system　of

taxation　into　countries　which　are　already　sufficiently　and　more

than　sufficiently　taxed。　It　might；　perhaps；　be　more　proper　to

lighten　than　to　aggravate　the　burden　of　those　unfortunate

countries；　and　to　endeavour　to　draw　a　revenue　from　them；　not　by

imposing　new　taxes；　but　by　preventing　the　embezzlement　and

misapplication　of　the　greater　part　of　those　which　they　already

pay。

　　　　　If　it　should　be　found　impracticable　for　Great　Britain　to

draw　any　considerable　augmentation　of　revenue　from　any　of　the

resources　above　mentioned；　the　only　resource　which　can　remain　to

her　is　a　diminution　of　her　expense。　In　the　mode　of　collecting　and

in　that　of　expending　the　public　revenue；　though　in　both　there　may

be　still　room　for　improvement；　Great　Britain　seems　to　be　at　least

as　economical　as　any　of　her　neighbours。　The　military

establishment　which　she　maintains　for　her　own　defence　in　time　of

peace　is　more　moderate　than　that　of　any　European　state　which　can

pretend　to　rival　her　either　in　wealth　or　in　power。　None　of　those

articles；　therefore；　seem　to　admit　of　any　considerable　reduction

of　expense。　The　expense　of　the　peace　establishment　of　the

colonies　was；　before　the　commencement　of　the　present

disturbances；　very　considerable；　and　is　an　expense　which　may；　and

if　no　revenue　can　be　drawn　from　them　ought　certainly　to　be　saved

altogether。　This　constant　expense　in　time　of　peace；　though　very

great；　is　insignificant　in　comparison　with　what　the　defence　of

the　colonies　has　cost　us　in　time　of　war。　The　last　war；　which　was

undertaken　altogether　on　account　of　the　colonies；　cost　Great

Britain；　it　has　already　been　observed；　upwards　of　ninety

millions。　The　Spanish　war　of　1739　was　principally　undertaken　on

their　account；　in　which；　and　in　the　French　war　that　was　the

consequence　of　it；　Great　Britain　spent　upwards　of　forty　millions；

a　great　part　of　which　ought　justly　to　be　charged　to　the　colonies。

In　those　two　wars　the　colonies　cost　Great　Britain　much　more　than

double　the　sum　which　the　national　debt　amounted　to　before　the

commencement　of　the　first　of　them。　Had　it　not　been　for　those　wars

that　debt　might；　and　probably　would　by　this　time；　have　been

completely　paid；　and　had　it　not　been　for　the　colonies；　the　former

of　those　wars　might　not；　and　the　latter　certainly　would　not　have

been　undertaken。　It　was　because　the　colonies　were　supposed　to　be

provinces　of　the　British　empire　that　this　expense　was　laid　out

upon　them。　But　countries　which　contribute　neither　revenue　nor

military　force　towards　the　support　of　the　empire　cannot　be

considered　as　provinces。　They　may　perhaps　be　considered　as

appendages；　as　a　sort　of　splendid　and　showy　equipage　of　the

empire。　But　if　the　empire　can　no　longer　support　the　expense　of

keeping　up　this　equipage；　it　ought　certainly　to　lay　it　down；　and

if　it　cannot　raise　its　revenue　in　proportion　to　its　expense；　it

ought；　at　least；　to　accommodate　its　expense　to　its　revenue。　If

the　colonies；　notwithstanding　their　refusal　to　submit　to　British

taxes；　are　still　to　be　considered　as　provinces　of　the　British

empire；　their　defence　in　some　future　war　may　cost　Great　Britain

as　great　an　expense　as　it　ever　has　done　in　any　former　war。　The

rulers　of　Great　Britain　have；　for　more　than　a　century　past；

amused　the　people　with　the　imagination　that　they　possessed　a

great　empire　on　the　west　side　of　the　Atlantic。　This　empire；

however；　has　hitherto　existed　in　imagination　only。　It　has

hitherto　been；　not　an　empire；　but　the　project　of　an　empire；　not　a

gold　mine；　but　the　project　of　a　gold　mine；　a　project　which　has

cost；　which　continues　to　cost；　and　which；　if　pursued　in　the　same

way　as　it　has　been　hitherto；　is　likely　to　cost；　immense　expense；

without　being　likely　to　bring　any　profit；　for　the　effects　of　the

monopoly　of　the　colony　trade；　it　has　been　shown；　are；　to　the

great　body　of　the　people；　mere　loss　instead　of　profit。　It　is

surely　now　time　that　our　rulers　should　either　realize　this　golden

dream；　in　which　they　have　been　indulging　themselves；　perhaps；　as

well　as　the　people；　or　that　they　should　awake　from　it　themselves；

and　endeavour　to　awaken　the　people。　If　the　project　cannot　be

completed；　it　ought　to　be　given　up。　If　any　of　the　provinces　of

the　British　empire　cannot　be　made　to　contribute　towards　the

support　of　the　whole　empire；　it　is　surely　time　that　Great　Britain

should　free　herself　from　the　expense　of　defending　those　provinces

in　time　of　war；　and　of　supporting　any　part　of　their　civil　or

military　establishments　in　time　of　peace；　and　endeavour　to

accommodate　her　future　views　and　designs　to　the　real　mediocrity

of　her　circumstances。　APPENDIX



　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　Appendix



　　The　two　following　accounts　are　subjoined　in　order　to　illustrate

and　confirm　what　is　said　in　the　fifth　chapter　of　the　fourth　book；

concerning　the　tonnage　bounty　to　the　white…herring　fishery。　The

reader；　I　believe；　may　depend　upon　the　accuracy　of　both　accounts。　

　An　account　of　Busses　fitted　out　in　Scotland　for　Eleven　Years；

with　　the　Number　of　Empty　Barrels　carried　out；　and　the　Number　of

Barrels　　　of　Herrings　caught；　also　the　Bounty　at　a　Medium　on　each

Barrel　of　Seasteeks；　and　on　each　Barrel　when　fully　packed。