war and the future-第37章
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imperative common sense of the position seems to be that the
European governments should set themselves straight away to out…
Ford Ford； and provide their own people with cheap road
transport。
But here comes in the question whether this common…sense course
is inevitable。 Suppose the mental energy left in Europe after
the war is insufficient for such a constructive feat as this。
There will certainly be the obstruction of official pedantry； the
hold…up of this vested interest and that； the greedy desire of
〃private enterprise〃 to exploit the occasion upon rather more
costly and less productive lines； the general distrust felt by
ignorant and unimaginative people of a new way of doing things。
The process after all may not get done in the obviously wise way。
This will not mean that Europe will buy American cars。 It will
be quite unable to buy American cars。 It will be unable to make
anything that America will not be able to make more cheaply for
itself。 But it will mean that Europe will go on without cheap
cars； that is to say it will go on a more sluggishly and clumsily
and wastefully at a lower economic level。 Hampered transport
means hampered production of other things； and in increasing
inability to buy abroad。 And so we go down and down。
It does not follow that because a course is the manifestly right
and advantageous course for the community that it will be taken。
I am reminded of this by a special basket in my study here； into
which I pitch letters； circulars； pamphlets and so forth as they
come to hand from a gentleman named Gattie； and his friends Mr。
Adrian Ross； Mr。 Roy Horniman； Mr。 Henry Murray and others。 His
particular project is the construction of a Railway Clearing
House for London。 It is an absolutely admirable scheme。 It
would cut down the heavy traffic in the streets of London to
about one…third； it would enable us to run the goods traffic of
England with less than half the number of railway trucks we now
employ； it would turn over enormous areas of valuable land from
their present use as railway goods yards and sidings； it would
save time in the transit of goods and labour in their handling。
It is a quite beautifully worked out scheme。 For the last eight
or ten years this group of devoted fanatics has been pressing
this undertaking upon an indifferent country with increasing
vehemence and astonishment at that indifference。 The point is
that its adoption； though it would be of general benefit； would
be of no particular benefit to any leading man or highly placed
official。 On the other hand it would upset all sorts of
individuals who are in a position to obstruct it quietlyand
they do so。 Meaning no evil。 I dip my hand in the accumulation
and extract a leaflet by the all too zealous Mr。 Murray。 In it
he denounces various public officials by name as he cheats and
scoundrels； and invites a prosecution for libel。
In that fashion nothing will ever get done。 There is no
prosecution； but for all that I do not agree with Mr。 Murray
about the men he names。 These gentlemen are just comfortable
gentlemen； own brothers to these old generals of ours who will
not take off their spurs。 They are probably quite charming
people except that they know nothing of that Fear of God which
searches by heart。 Why should they bother？
So many of these after…the…war problems bring one back to the
question of how far the war has put the Fear of God into the
hearts of responsible men。 There is really no other reason in
existence that I can imagine why they should ask themselves the
question； 〃Have I done my best？〃 and that still more important
question； 〃Am I doing my best now？〃 And so while I hear plenty
of talk about the great reorganisations that are to come after
the war； while there is the stir of doubt among the
/rentiers/ whether； after all； they will get paid； while the
unavoidable stresses and sacrifices of the war are making many
people question the rightfulness of much that they did as a
matter of course； and of much that they took for granted； I
perceive there is also something dull and not very articulate in
this European world； something resistant and inert； that is like
the obstinate rolling over of a heavy sleeper after he has been
called upon to get up。 〃Just a little longer。。。。 Just for
/my/ time。〃
One thought alone seems to make these more intractable people
anxious。 I thrust it in as my last stimulant when everything
else has failed。 〃There will be /frightful/ trouble with
labour after the war；〃 I say。
They try to persuade themselves that military discipline is
breaking in labour。。。。
2
What does British labour think of the outlook after the war？
As a distinctive thing British labour does not think。 〃Class…
conscious labour；〃 as the Marxists put it； scarcely exists in
Britain。 The only convincing case I ever met was a bath…chairman
of literary habits Eastbourne。 The only people who are； as a
class； class…conscious in the British community are the Anglican
gentry and their fringe of the genteel。 Everybody else is
〃respectable。〃 The mass of British workers find their thinking
in the ordinary halfpenny papers or in /John Bull。/ The so…
called labour papers are perhaps less representative of British
Labour than any other section of the press； the /Labour
Leader/； for example； is the organ of such people as Bertrand
Russell； Vernon Lee； Morel； academic /rentiers/ who know
about as much as of the labour side of industrialism as they do
of cock…fighting。 All the British peoples are racially willing
and good…tempered people； quite ready to be led by those they
imagine to be abler than themselves。 They make the most cheerful
and generous soldiers in the whole world； without insisting upon
that democratic respect which the Frenchman exacts。 They do not
criticise and they do not trouble themselves much about the
general plan of operations； so long as they have confidence in
the quality and good will of their leading。 But British soldiers
will of their loading。 But British soldiers will hiss a general
when they think he is selfish； unfeeling； or a muff。 And the
socialist propaganda has imported ideas of public service into
private employment。 Labour in Britain has been growing
increasingly impatient of bad or selfish industrial leadership。
Labour trouble in Great Britain turns wholly upon the idea
crystallised in the one word 〃profiteer。〃 Legislation and
regulation of hours of labour； high wages； nothing will keep
labour quiet in Great Britain if labour thinks it is being
exploited for private gain。
Labour feels very suspicious of private gain。 For that suspicion
a certain rather common type of employer is mainly to blame。
Labour believes that employers is mainly to blame。 Labour
believes that employers as a class cheat workmen as a class； plan
to cheat them of their full share in the common output； and drive
hard bargains。 It believes that private employers are equally
ready to sacrifice the welfare of the nation and the welfare of
the workers for mere personal advantage。 It has a traditional
experience to support these suspicions。
In no department of morals have ideas changed so completely
during the last eight years as in relation to 〃profits〃。 Eighty
years ago everyone believed in the divine right of property to do
what it pleased its advantages； a doctrine more disastrous
socially than the divine right of kings。 There was no such sense
of the immorality of 〃holding up〃 as pervades the public
conscience to…day。 The worker was expected not only to work； but
to be grateful for employment。 The property owner held his
property and handed it out for use and development or not； just
as he thought fit。 These ideas are not altogether extinct today。
Only a few days ago I met a magnificent old lady of seventy nine
or eighty； who discoursed upon the wickedness of her gardener in
demanding another shilling a week because of war prices。
She was a valiant and handsome personage。 A face that had still
a healthy natural pinkness looked out from under blond curls； and
an elegant and carefully tended hand tossed back some fine old
lace to gesticula
