war and the future-第35章

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militarisation/　of　war　that　has　been　going　on。　　In　France　it
is　probably　not　so　marked　because　of　the　greater　flexibility　and
adaptability　of　the　French　culture。

All　military　peoplepeople；　that　is；　professionally　and
primarily　militaryare　inclined　to　be　conservative。　　For
thousands　of　years　the　military　tradition　has　been　a　tradition　of
discipline。　　The　conception　of　the　common　soldier　has　been　a
mechanically　obedient；　almost　dehumanised　man；　of　the　of　officer
a　highly　trained　autocrat。　　In　two　years　all　this　has　been
absolutely　reversed。　　Individual　quality；　inventive　organisation
and　industrialism　will　win　this　war。　　And　no　class　is　so　innocent
of　these　things　as　the　military　caste。　　Long　accustomed　as　they
are　to　the　importance　of　moral　effect　they　put　a　brave　face　upon
the　business；　they　save　their　faces　astonishingly；　but　they　are
no　longer　guiding　and　directing　this　war；　they　are　being　pushed
from　behind　by　forces　they　never　foresaw　and　cannot　control。　　The
aeroplanes　and　great　guns　have　bolted　with　them；　the　tanks
begotten　of　naval　and　civilian　wits；　shove　them　to　victory　in
spite　of　themselves。

Wherever　I　went　behind　the　British　lines　the　officers　were　going
about　in　spurs。　　These　spurs　at　last　got　on　my　nerves。　　They
became　symbolical。　　They　became　as　grave　an　insult　to　the　tragedy
of　the　war　as　if　they　were　false　noses。　　The　British　officers　go
for　long　automobile　rides　in　spurs。　　They　walk　about　the　trenches
in　spurs。　　Occasionally　I　would　see　a　horse；　I　do　not　wish　to　be
unfair　in　this　matter；　there　were　riding　horses　sometimes　within
two　or　three　miles　of　the　ultimate　front；　but　they　were　rarely
used。

I　do　not　say　that　the　horse　is　entirely　obsolescent　in　this　war。
In　was　nothing　is　obsolete。　　In　the　trenches　men　fight　with
sticks。　　In　the　Pasubio　battle　the　other　day　one　of　the　Alpini
silenced　a　machine　gun　by　throwing　stones。　　In　the　West　African
campaign　we　have　employed　troops　armed　with　bows　and　arrows；　and
they　have　done　very　valuable　work。　　But　these　are　exceptional
cases。　　The　military　use　of　the　horse　henceforth　will　be　such　an
exceptional　case。　　It　is　ridiculous　for　these　spurs　still　to
clink　about　the　modern　battlefield。　　What　the　gross　cost　of　the
spurs　and　horses　and　trappings　of　the　British　army　amount　to；　and
how　many　men　are　grooming　and　tending　horses　who　might　just　as
well　be　ploughing　and　milking　at　home；　I　cannot　guess；　it　must　be
a　total　so　enormous　as　seriously　to　affect　the　balance　of　the
war。

And　these　spurs　and　their　retention　are　only　the　outward　and
visible　symbol　of　the　obstinate　resistance　of　the　Anglican
intelligence　to　the　clear　logic　of　the　present　situation。　　It　is
not　only　the　external　equipment　of　our　leaders　that　falls　behind
the　times；　our　political　and　administrative　services　are　in　the
hands　of　the　same　desolatingly　inadaptable　class。　　The　British
are　still　wearing　spurs　in　Ireland；　they　are　wearing　them　in
India；　and　the　age　of　the　spur　has　passed。　　At　the　outset　of　this
war　there　was　an　absolute　cessation　of　criticism　of　the　military
and　administrative　castes；　it　is　becoming　a　question　whether　we
may　not　pay　too　heavily　in　blundering　and　waste；　in　military　and
economic　lassitude；　in　international　irritation　and　the
accumulation　of　future　dangers　in　Ireland；　Egypt；　India；　and
elsewhere；　for　an　apparent　absence　of　internal　friction。　　These
people　have　no　gratitude　for　tacit　help；　no　spirit　of　intelligent
service；　and　no　sense　of　fair　play　to　the　outsider。　　The　latter
deficiency　indeed　they　call　/esprit　de　corps/　and　prize　it
as　if　it　were　a　noble　quality。

It　becomes　more　and　more　imperative　that　the　foreign　observer
should　distinguish　between　this　narrower；　older　official　Britain
and　the　greater　newer　Britain　that　struggles　to　free　itself　from
the　entanglement　of　a　system　outgrown。　　There　are　many　Englishmen
who　would　like　to　say　to　the　French　and　Irish　and　the　Italians
and　India；　who　indeed　feel　every　week　now　a　more　urgent　need　of
saying；　〃Have　patience　with　us。〃　　The　Riddle　of　the　British　is
very　largely　solved　if　you　will　think　of　a　great　modern　liberal
nation　seeking　to　slough　an　exceedingly　tough　and　tight　skin。。。。

Nothing　is　more　illuminating　and　self…educational　than　to　explain
one's　home　politics　to　an　intelligent　foreigner　enquirer；　it
strips　off　all　the　secondary　considerations；　the　allusiveness；
the　merely　tactical　considerations；　the　allusiveness；　the　merely
tactical　considerations。　　One　sees　the　forest　not　as　a　confusion
of　trees　but　as　something　with　a　definite　shape　and　place。　　I　was
asked　in　Italy　and　in　France；　〃Where　does　Lord　Northcliffe　come
into　the　British　systemor　Lloyd　George？　　Who　is　Mr。　Redmond？
Why　is　Lloyd　George　a　Minister；　and　why　does　not　Mr。　Redmond　take
office？　　Isn't　there　something　called　an　ordnance　department；　and
why　is　there　a　separate　ministry　of　munitions？　　Can　Mr。　Lloyd
George　remove　an　incapable　general？。。。〃

I　found　it　M。　Joseph　Reinach　particularly　penetrating　and
persistent。　　It　is　an　amusing　but　rather　difficult　exercise　to
recall　what　I　tried　to　convey　to　him　by　way　of　a　theory　of
Britain。　　He　is　by　no　means　an　uncritical　listener。　　I　explained
that　there　is　an　〃inner　Britain；〃　official　Britain；　which　is
Anglican　or　official　Presbyterian；　which　at　the　outside　in　the
whole　world　cannot　claim　to　speak　for　twenty　million　Anglican　or
Presbyterian　communicants；　which　monopolises　official　positions；
administration　and　honours　in　the　entire　British　empire；
dominates　the　court；　and；　typically；　is　spurred　and　red…tabbed。
（It　was　just　at　this　time　that　the　spurs　were　most　on　my
nerves。）

This　inner　Britain；　I　went　on　to　explain；　holds　tenaciously　to
its　positions　of　advantage；　from　which　it　is　difficult　to
dislodge　it　without　upsetting　the　whole　empire；　and　it　insists
upon　treating　the　rest　of　the　four　hundred　millions　who
constitute　that　empire　as　outsiders；　foreigners；　subject　races
and　suspected　persons。

〃To　you；〃　I　said；　〃it　bears　itself　with　an　appearance　of　faintly
hostile；　faintly　contemptuous　apathy。　　It　is　still　so　entirely
insular　that　it　shudders　at　the　thought　of　the　Channel　Tunnel。
This　is　the　Britain　which　irritates　and　puzzles　you　so　intensely
that　you　are　quite　unable　to　conceal　these　feelings　from　me。
Unhappily　it　is　the　Britain　you　see　most　of。　　Well；　outside　this
official　Britain　is　'Greater　Britain'the　real　Britain　with
which　you　have　to　reckon　in　the　future。〃　　（From　this　point　a
faint　flavour　of　mysticism　crept　into　my　dissertation。　　I　found
myself　talking　with　something　in　my　voice　curiously　reminiscent
of　those　liberal　Russians　who　set　themselves　to　explain　the
contrasts　and　contradictions　of　〃official〃　Russia　and　〃true〃
Russia。）　〃This　Greater　Britain；〃　I　asserted；　〃is　in　a　perpetual
conflict　with　official　Britain；　struggling　to　keep　it　up　to　its
work；　shoving　it　towards　its　ends；　endeavouring　in　spite　of　its
tenacious　mischievousness　of　the　privileged　to　keep　the　peace　and
a　common　aim　with　the　French　and　Irish　and　Italians　and　Russians
and　Indians。　　It　is　to　that　outer　Britain　that　those　Englishmen
you　found　so　interesting　and　sympathetic；　Lloyd　George　and　Lord
Northcliffe；　for　example；　belong。　　It　is　the　Britain　of　the　great
effort；　the　Britain　of　the　smoking　factories　and　the　torrent　of
munitions；　the　Britain　of　the　men　and　subalterns　of　the　new
armies；　the　Britain　which　invents　and　thinks　and　achieves；　and
stands　now　between　German　imperialism　and　the　empire　of　the
world。　　I　do　not　want　to　exaggerate　the　quality　of　greater
Britain。　　If　the　inner　set　are　narrowly　educated；　the　outer　set
if　often　crudely　educated。　　If　the　inner　set　is　so　close　knit　as
to　seem　like　a　conspiracy；　the　outer　set　is　so　loosely　knit　as　to
seem　like　a　noisy　confusion。　　Greater　Britain　is　only　beginning
to　realise　itself　and　find　itself。　　For　all　its　crudity　there　is
a　giant　spirit　in　it　feeling　its　way　towards　the　light。　　It　has
quite　other　ambitions　for　the　ending　of　the　war　than　some　haggled
treaty　of　alliance　with　France　and　Italy；　some　advantage　that
will　invalidate　German　competition；　it　begins　to　realise　newer
and　wider　sympathies；　possibilities　of　an　amalgamation　of
interests　and　community