the day of the confederacy-第29章

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employing　negro　troops；　it　cannot　be　as　mischievous　as　this。　If
it　end　in　subverting　slavery　it　will　be　accomplished　by
ourselves；　and　we　can　devise　the　means　of　alleviating　the　evil
consequences　to　both　races。　I　think；　therefore；　we　must　decide
whether　slavery　shall　be　extinguished　by　our　enemies　and　the
slaves　be　used　against　us；　or　use　them　ourselves　at　the　risk　of
the　effects　which　may　be　produced　upon　our　social
institutions。。。〃

〃The　reasons　that　induce　me　to　recommend　the　employment　of　negro
troops　at　all　render　the　effect　of　the　measures。。。upon
slavery　immaterial；　and　in　my　opinion　the　best　means　of　securing
the　efficiency　and　fidelity　of　this　auxiliary　force　would　be　to
accompany　the　measure　with　a　well…digested　plan　of　gradual　and
general　emancipation。　As　that　will　be　the　result　of　the
continuance　of　the　war；　and　will　certainly　occur　if　the　enemy
succeed；　it　seems　to　me　most　advisable　to　adopt　it　at　once；　and
thereby　obtain　all　the　benefits　that　will　accrue　to　our　cause。。。〃

〃I　can　only　say　in　conclusion；　that　whatever　measures　are　to　be
adopted　should　be　adopted　at　once。　Every　day's　delay　increases
the　difficulty。　Much　time　will　be　required　to　organize　and
discipline　the　men；　and　action　may　be　deferred　until　it　is　too
late。〃

Lee　wrote　these　words　on　January　11；　1865。　At　that　time　a　fresh
wave　of　despondency　had　gone　over　the　South　because　of　Hood's
rout　at　Nashville；　Congress　was　debating　intermittently　the
possible　arming　of　the　slaves；　and　the　newspapers　were
prophesying　that　the　Administration　would　presently　force　the
issue。　It　is　to　be　observed　that　Lee　did　not　advise　Virginia　to
wait　for　Confederate　action。　He　advocated　emancipation　by　the
State。　After　all；　to　both　Lee　and　Smith；　Virginia　was　their
〃country。〃

During　the　next　sixty　days　Lee　rejected　two　great
opportunitiesor；　if　you　will；　put　aside　two　great　temptations。
If　tradition　is　to　be　trusted；　it　was　during　January　that　Lee
refused　to　play　the　role　of　Cromwell　by　declining　to　intervene
directly　in　general　Confederate　politics。　But　there　remained　open
the　possibility　of　his　intervention　in　Virginia　politics；　and　the
local　crisis　was　in　its　own　way　as　momentous　as　the　general
crisis。　What　if　Virginia　had　accepted　the　views　of　Lee　and
insisted　upon　the　immediate　arming　of　the　slaves？　Virginia；
however；　did　not　do　so；　and　Lee；　having　made　public　his　position；
refrained　from　further　participation。　Politically　speaking；　he
maintained　a　splendid　isolation　at　the　head　of　the　armies。

Through　January　and　February　the　Virginia　crisis　continued
undetermined。　In　this　period　of　fateful　hesitation；　the
〃mountains　of　prejudice〃　proved　too　great　to　be　undermined　even
by　the　influence　of　Lee。　When　at　last　Virginia　enacted　a　law
permitting　the　arming　of　her　slaves；　no　provision　was　made　for
their　manumission。

Long　before　the　passage　of　this　act　in　Virginia；　Congress　had
become　the　center　of　the　controversy。　Davis　had　come　to　the　point
where　no　tradition　however　cherished　would　stand；　in　his　mind；
against　the　needs　of　the　moment。　To　reinforce　the　army　in　great
strength　was　now　his　supreme　concern；　and　he　saw　but　one　way　to
do　it。　As　a　last　resort　he　was　prepared　to　embrace　the　bold　plan
which　so　many　people　still　regarded　with　horror　and　which　as　late
as　the　previous　November　he　himself　had　opposed。　He　would　arm　the
slaves。　On　February　10；　1865；　bills　providing　for　the　arming　of
the　slaves　were　introduced　both　in　the　House　and　in　the　Senate。

On　this　issue　all　the　forces　both　of　the　Government　and　the
opposition　fought　their　concluding　duel　in　which　were　involved
all　the　other　basal　issues　that　had　distracted　the　country　since
1862。　Naturally　there　was　a　bewildering　criss…cross　of　political
motives。　There　were　men　who；　like　Smith　and　Lee；　would　go　along
with　the　Government　on　emancipation；　provided　it　was　to　be
carried　out　by　the　free　will　of　the　States。　There　were　others　who
preferred　subjugation　to　the　arming　of　the　slaves；　and　among
these　there　were　clashings　of　motive。　Then；　too；　there　were　those
who　were　willing　to　arm　the　slaves　but　were　resolved　not　to　give
them　their　freedom。

The　debate　brings　to　the　front　of　the　political　stage　the　figure
of　R。　M。　T。　Hunter。　Hitherto　his　part　has　not　been　conspicuous
either　as　Secretary　of　State　or　as　Senator　from　Virginia。　He　now
becomes；　in　the　words　of　Davis；　〃a　chief　obstacle〃　to　the　passage
of　the　Senate　bill　which　would　have　authorized　a　levy　of　negro
troops　and　provided　for　their　manumission　by　the　War　Department
with　the　consent　of　the　State　in　which　they　should　be　at　the　time
of　the　proposed　manumission。　After　long　discussion；　this　bill　was
indefinitely　postponed。　Meanwhile　a　very　different　bill　had
dragged　through　the　House。　While　it　was　under　debate；　another
appeal　was　made　to　Lee。　Barksdale；　who　came　as　near　as　any　one　to
being　the　leader　of　the　Administration；　sought　Lee's　aid。　Again
the　General　urged　the　enrollment　of　negro　soldiers　and　their
eventual　manumission；　but　added　this　immensely　significant
proviso：

〃I　have　no　doubt　that　if　Congress　would　authorize　their　＇the
negroes'＇　reception　into　service；　and　empower　the　President　to
call　upon　individuals　or　States　for　such　as　they　are　willing　to
contribute；　with　the　condition　of　emancipation　to　all　enrolled；　a
sufficient　number　would　be　forthcoming　to　enable　us　to　try　the
experiment　＇of　determining　whether　the　slaves　would　make　good
soldiers＇。　If　it　proved　successful；　most　of　the　objections　to　the
measure　would　disappear；　and　if　individuals　still　remained
unwilling　to　send　their　negroes　to　the　army；　the　force　of　public
opinion　in　the　States　would　soon　bring　about　such　legislation　as
would　remove　all　obstacles。　I　think　the　matter　should　be　left；　as
far　as　possible；　to　the　people　and　to　the　States；　which　alone　can
legislate　as　the　necessities　of　this　particular　service　may
require。〃

The　fact　that　Congress　had　before　it　this　advice　from　Lee
explains　why　all　factions　accepted　a　compromise　bill；　passed　on
the　9th　of　March；　approved　by　the　President　on　the　13th　of　March；
and　issued　to　the　country　in　a　general　order　on　the　23d　of　March。
It　empowered　the　President　to　〃ask　for　and　accept　from　the　owners
of　slaves〃　the　service　of　such　number　of　negroes　as　he　saw　fit；
and　if　sufficient　number　were　not　offered　to　〃call　on　each　State
。。。for　her　quota　of　300；000　troops。。。to　be　raised　from
such　classes　of　the　population；　irrespective　of　color；　in　each
State　as　the　proper　authorities　thereof　may　determine。〃　However；
〃nothing　in　this　act　shall　be　construed　to　authorize　a　change　in
the　relation　which　the　said　slaves　shall　bear　toward　their
owners；　except　by　consent　of　the　owners　and　of　the　States　in
which　they　may　reside　and　in　pursuance　of　the　laws　thereof。〃

The　results　of　this　act　were　negligible。　Its　failure　to　offer　the
slave…soldier　his　freedom　was　at　once　seized　upon　by　critics　as
evidence　of　the　futility　of　the　course　of　the　Administration。　The
sneer　went　round　that　the　negro　was　to　be　made　to　fight　for　his
own　captivity。　Pollardwhose　words；　however；　must　be　taken　with
a
grain　of　salthas　left　this　account　of　recruiting　under　the　new
act：　〃Two　companies　of　blacks；　organized　from　some　negro
vagabonds　in　Richmond；　were　allowed　to　give　balls　at　the　Libby
Prison　and　were　exhibited　in　fine　fresh　uniforms　on　Capitol
Square　as　decoys　to　obtain　recruits。　But　the　mass　of　their
colored　brethren　looked　on　the　parade　with　unenvious　eyes；　and
little　boys　exhibited　the　early　prejudices　of　race　by　pelting　the
fine　uniforms　with　mud。〃

Nevertheless　both　Davis　and　Lee　busied　themselves　in　the　endeavor
to　raise　black　troops。　Governor　Smith　cooperated　with　them。　And
in　the　mind　of　the　President　there　was　no　abandonment　of　the
program　of　emancipation；　which　was　now　his　cardinal　policy。　Soon
after　the　passage　of　the　act；　he　wrote　to　Smith：　〃I　am　happy　to
receive　your　assurance　of　success　＇in　raising　black　troops＇；　as
well　as　your　promise　to　seek　legislation　to　secure　unmistakable
freedom　to　the　slave　who　shall　enter　the　Army；　with　a　right　to
return　to　his　old　home；　when　he　shall　have　been　honorably
discharged　from　military　service。〃

While　this　final　con