the day of the confederacy-第28章

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drastic　enforcement　of　the　conscription　laws；　he　concluded：　〃Let
us　then　unite　our　hands　and　our　hearts；　lock　our　shields
together；　and　we　may　well　believe　that　before　another　summer
solstice　falls　upon　us；　it　will　be　the　enemy　that　will　be　asking
us　for　conferences　and　occasions　in　which　to　make　known　our
demands。〃



Chapter　XI。　An　Attempted　Revolution

Almost　from　the　moment　when　the　South　had　declared　its
independence　voices　had　been　raised　in　favor　of　arming　the
negroes。　The　rejection　of　a　plan　to　accomplish　this　was　one　of
the　incidents　of　Benjamin's　tenure　of　the　portfolio　of　the　War
Department；　but　it　was　not　until　the　early　days　of　1864；　when　the
forces　of　Johnston　lay　encamped　at　Dalton；　Georgia；　that　the
arming　of　the　slaves　was　seriously　discussed　by　a　council　of
officers。　Even　then　the　proposal　had　its　determined　champions；
though　there　were　others　among　Johnston's　officers　who　regarded
it　as　〃contrary　to　all　true　principles　of　chivalric　warfare；〃　and
their　votes　prevailed　in　the　council　by　a　large　majority。

From　that　time　forward　the　question　of　arming　the　slaves　hung
like　a　heavy　cloud　over　all　Confederate　thought　of　the　war。　It
was　discussed　in　the　army　and　at　home　around　troubled　firesides。
Letters　written　from　the　trenches　at　Petersburg　show　that　it　was
debated　by　the　soldiers；　and　the　intense　repugnance　which　the
idea　inspired　in　some　minds　was　shown　by　threats　to　leave　the
ranks　if　the　slaves　were　given　arms。

Amid　the　pressing；　obvious　issues　of　1864；　this　project　hardly
appears　upon　the　face　of　the　record　until　it　was　alluded　to　in
Davis's　message　to　Congress　in　November；　1864；　and　in　the　annual
report　of　the　Secretary　of　War。　The　President　did　not　as　yet　ask
for　slave　soldiers。　He　did；　however；　ask　for　the　privilege　of
buying　slaves　for　government　usenot　merely　hiring　them　from
their　owners　as　had　hitherto　been　doneand　for　permission；　if
the　Government　so　desired；　to　emancipate　them　at　the　end　of　their
service。　The　Secretary　of　War　went　farther；　however；　and
advocated　negro　soldiers；　and　he　too　suggested　their　emancipation
at　the　end　of　service。

This　feeling　of　the　temper　of　the　country；　so　to　speak；　produced
an　immediate　response。　It　drew　Rhett　from　his　retirement　and
inspired　a　letter　in　which　he　took　the　Government　severely　to
task　for　designing　to　remove　from　state　control　this　matter　of
fundamental　importance。　Coinciding　with　the　cry　for　more　troops
with　which　to　confront　Sherman；　the　topic　of　negro　soldiers
became　at　once　one　of　the　questions　of　the　hour。　It　helped　to
focus　that　violent　anti…Davis　movement　which　is　the　conspicuous
event　of　December；　1864；　and　January；　1865。　Those　who　believed
the　President　unscrupulous　trembled　at　the　thought　of　putting
into　his　hands　a　great　army　of　hardy　barbarians　trained　to
absolute　obedience。　The　prospect　of　such　a　weapon　held　in　one
firm　hand　at　Richmond　seemed　to　those　opponents　of　the　President
a　greater　menace　to　their　liberties　than　even　the　armies　of　the
invaders。　It　is　quite　likely　that　distrust　of　Davis　and　dread　of
the　use　he　might　make　of　such　a　weapon　was　increased　by　a　letter
from　Benjamin　to　Frederick　A。　Porcher　of　Charleston；　a　supporter
of　the　Government；　who　had　made　rash　suggestions　as　to　the
extra…constitutional　power　that　the　Administration　might　be
justified　by　circumstances　in　assuming。　Benjamin　deprecated　such
suggestions　but　concluded　with　the　unfortunate　remark：　〃If　the
Constitution　is　not　to　be　our　guide　I　would　prefer　to　see　it
suppressed　by　a　revolution　which　should　declare　a　dictatorship
during　the　war；　after　the　manner　of　ancient　Rome；　leaving　to　the
future　the　care　of　reestablishing　firm　and　regular　government。〃
In　the　State　of　Virginia；　indeed；　the　revolutionary　suggestions
of　the　President's　message　and　the　Secretary's　report　were
promptly　taken　up　and　made　the　basis　of　a　political　program；
which　Governor　Smith　embodied　in　his　message　to　the
Legislaturea　document　that　will　eventually　take　its　place　among
the　most　interesting　state　papers　of　the　Confederacy。　It　should
be　noted　that　the　suggestions　thrown　out　in　this　way　by　the
Administration　to　test　public　feeling　involved　three　distinct
questions：　Should　the　slaves　be　given　arms？　Should　they；　if
employed　as　soldiers；　be　given　their　freedom？　Should　this
revolutionary　scheme；　if　accepted　at　all；　be　handled　by　the
general　Government　or　left　to　the　several　States？　On　the　last　of
the　three　questions　the　Governor　of　Virginia　was　silent；　by
implication　he　treated　the　matter　as　a　concern　of　the　States。
Upon　the　first　and　second　questions；　however；　he　was　explicit　and
advised　arming　the　slaves。　He　then　added：

〃Even　if　the　result　were　to　emancipate　our　slaves；　there　is　not　a
man　who　would　not　cheerfully　put　the　negro　into　the　Army　rather
than　become　a　slave　himself　to　our　hated　and　vindictive　foe。　It
is；　then；　simply　a　question　of　time。　Has　the　time　arrived　when
this　issue　is　fairly　before　us？　。。。For　my　part　standing　before
God　and　my　country；　I　do　not　hesitate　to　say　that　I　would　arm
such　portion　of　our　able…bodied　slave　population　as　may　be
necessary；　and　put　them　in　the　field；　so　as　to　have　them　ready
for　the　spring　campaign；　even　if　it　resulted　in　the　freedom　of
those　thus　organized。　Will　I　not　employ　them　to　fight　the　negro
force　of　the　enemy？　Aye；　the　Yankees　themselves；　who　already
boast　that　they　have　200；000　of　our　slaves　in　arms　against　us。
Can　we　hesitate；　can　we　doubt；　when　the　question　is；　whether　the
enemy　shall　use　our　slaves　against　us　or　we　use　them　against　him；
when　the　question　may　be　between　liberty　and　independence　on　the
one　hand；　or　our　subjugation　and　utter　ruin　on　the　other？〃

With　their　Governor　as　leader　for　the　Administration；　the
Virginians　found　this　issue　the　absorbing　topic　of　the　hour。　And
now　the　great　figure　of　Lee　takes　its　rightful　place　at　the　very
center　of　Confederate　history；　not　only　military　but　civil；　for
to　Lee　the　Virginia　politicians　turned　for　advice。*　In　a　letter
to　a　State　Senator　of　Virginia　who　had　asked　for　a　public
expression　of　Lee's　views　because　〃a　mountain　of　prejudices；　
growing　out　of　our　ancient　modes　of　regarding　the　institution　of　
Southern　slavery　will　have　to　be　met　and　overcome〃　in　order　to　
Attain　unanimity；　Lee　discussed　both　the　institution　of　slavery　
and　the　situation　of　the　moment。　He　plainly　intimated　that
slavery　
should　be　placed　under　state　control；　and；　assuming　such　control；

he　considered　〃the　relation　of　master　and　slave。。。the　best　that
can　exist　between　the　black　and　white　races　while　intermingled　as
at　present　in　this　country。〃　He　went　on　to　show；　however；　that
military　necessity　now　compelled　a　revolution　in　sentiment　on
this　subject；　and　he　came　at　last　to　this　momentous　conclusion：

*　Lee　now　revealed　himself　in　his　previously　overlooked　capacity
of　statesman。　Whether　his　abilities　in　this　respect　equaled　his
abilities　as　a　soldier　need　not　here　be　considered；　it　is　said
that　he　himself　had　no　high　opinion　of　them。　However；　in　the
advice　which　he　gave　at　this　final　moment　of　crisis；　he　expressed
a　definite　conception　of　the　articulation　of　civil　forces　in　such
a　system　as　that　of　the　Confederacy。　He　held　that　all　initiative
upon　basal　matters　should　remain　with　the　separate　States；　that
the　function　of　the　general　Government　was　to　administer；　not　to
create　conditions；　and　that　the　proper　power　to　constrain　the
State　Legislatures　was　the　flexible；　extra…legal　power　of　public
opinion。

〃Should　the　war　continue　under　existing　circumstances；　the　enemy
may　in　course　of　time　penetrate　our　country　and　get　access　to　a
large　part　of　our　negro　population。　It　is　his　avowed　policy　to
convert　the　able…bodied　men　among　them　into　soldiers；　and　to
emancipate　all。。。。　His　progress　will　thus　add　to　his　numbers；
and　at　the　same　time　destroy　slavery　in　a　manner　most　pernicious
to　the　welfare　of　our　people。　Their　negroes　will　be　used　to　hold
them　in　subjection；　leaving　the　remaining　force　of　the　enemy　free
to　extend　his　conquest。　Whatever　may　be　the　effect　of　our
employing　negro　troops；　it　cannot　be　as　mischievous　as　this。　If
it　end　in　subverting　slavery　it　will　be　accomplished　by
oursel