the day of the confederacy-第15章

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political　elements〃　revealed　by　the　defeat　of　so　many　tried
representatives　whose　constituents　had　not　returned　them　to　the
Second　Congress。

What　was　Davis　doing　while　the　ground　was　thus　being　cut　from
under　his　feet？　For　one　thing　he　gave　his　endorsement　to　the
formation　of　〃Confederate　Societies〃　whose　members　bound
themselves　to　take　Confederate　money　as　legal　tender。　He　wrote　a
letter　to　one　such　society　in　Mississippi；　praising　it　for
attempting　〃by　common　consent　to　bring　down　the　prices　of　all
articles　to　the　standard　of　the　soldiers'　wages〃　and　adding　that
the　passion　of　speculation　had　〃seduced　citizens　of　all　classes
from　a　determined　prosecution　of　the　war　to　an　effort　to　amass
money。〃　The　Sentinel　advocated　the　establishment　of　a　law　fixing
maximum　prices。　The　discussion　of　this　proposal　seems　to　make
plain　the　raison　d'etre　for　the　existence　of　the　Sentinel。　Even
such　stanch　government　organs　as　the　Enquirer　and　the　Courier
shied　at　the　idea；　but　the　Mercury　denounced　it　vigorously；
giving　long　extracts　from　Thiers；　and　discussed　the　mistakes；　of
the　French　Revolution　with　its　〃law　of　maximum。〃

Davis；　however；　did　not　take　an　active　part　in　the　political
campaign；　nor　did　the　other　members　of　the　Government。　It　was　not
because　of　any　notion　that　the　President　should　not　leave　the
capital　that　Davis　did　not　visit　the　disaffected　regions　of　North
Carolina　when　the　startled　populace　winced　under　its　first
experience　with　taxation。　Three　times　during　his　Administration
Davis　left　Richmond　on　extended　journeys：　late　in　1862；　when
Vicksburg　had　become　a　chief　concern　of　the　Government；　he　went
as　far　afield　as　Mississippi　in　order　to　get　entirely　in　touch
with　the　military　situation　in　those　parts；　in　the　month　of
October；　1863；　when　there　was　another　moment　of　intense　military
anxiety；　Davis　again　visited　the　front；　and　of　a　third　journey
which　he　undertook　in　1864；　we　shall　hear　in　time。　It　is　to　be
noted　that　each　of　these　journeys　was　prompted　by　a　military
motive；　and　here；　possibly；　we　get　an　explanation　of　his
inadequacy　as　a　statesman。　He　could　not　lay　aside　his　interest　in
military　affairs　for　the　supremely　important　concerns　of　civil
office；　and　he　failed　to　understand　how　to　ingratiate　his
Administration　by　personal　appeals　to　popular　imagination。

In　October；　1863；the　very　month　in　which　his　old　rival　Rhett
suffered　his　final　defeat；Davis　undertook　a　journey　because
Bragg；　after　his　great　victory　at　Chickamauga；　appeared　to　be
letting　slip　a　golden　opportunity；　and　because　there　were　reports
of　dissension　among　Bragg's　officers　and　of　general　confusion　in
his　army。　After　he　had；　as　he　thought；　restored　harmony　in　the
camp；　Davis　turned　southward　on　a　tour　of　appeal　and　inspiration。
He　went　as　far　as　Mobile；　and　returning　bent　his　course　through
Charleston；　where；　at　the　beginning　of　November；　less　than　two
weeks　after　Rhett's　defeat；　Davis　was　received　with　all　due
formalities。　Members　of　the　Rhett　family　were　among　those　who
formally　received　the　President　at　the　railway　station。　There　was
a　parade　of　welcome；　an　official　reception；　a　speech　by　the
President　from　the　steps　of　the　city　hall；　and　much　applause　by
friends　of　the　Administration。　But　certain　ominous　signs　were　not
lacking。　The　Mercury；　for　example；　tucked　away　in　an　obscure
column　its　account　of　the　event；　while　its　rival；　the　Courier；
made　the　President's　visit　the　feature　of　the　day。

Davis　returned　to　Richmond；　early　in　November；　to　throw　himself
again　with　his　whole　soul　into　problems　that　were　chiefly
military。　He　did　not　realize　that　the　crisis　had　come　and　gone
and　that　he　had　failed　to　grasp　the　significance　of　the　internal
political　situation。　The　Government　had　failed　to　carry　the
elections　and　to　secure　a　working　majority　in　Congress。　Never
again　was　it　to　have　behind　it　a　firm　and　confident　support；　The
unity　of　the　secession　movement　had　passed　away。　Thereafter　the
Government　was　always　to　be　regarded　with　suspicion　by　the
extreme　believers　in　state　sovereignty　and　by　those　who　were
sullenly　convinced　that　the　burdens　of　the　war　were　unfairly
distributed。　And　there　were　not　wanting　men　who　were　ready　to
construe　each　emergency　measure　as　a　step　toward　a　coup　d'etat。



Chapter　VI。　Life　In　The　Confederacy

When　the　fortunes　of　the　Confederacy　in　both　camp　and　council
began　to　ebb；　the　life　of　the　Southern　people　had　already
profoundly　changed。　The　gallant；　delightful；　carefree　life　of　the
planter　class　had　been　undermined　by　a　war　which　was　eating　away
its　foundations。　Economic　no　less　than　political　forces　were
taking　from　the　planter　that　ideal　of　individual　liberty　as　dear
to　his　heart　as　it　had　been；　ages　before；　to　his　feudal
prototype。　One　of　the　most　important　details　of　the　changing
situation　had　been　the　relation　of　the　Government　to　slavery。　The
history　of　the　Confederacy　had　opened　with　a　clash　between　the
extreme　advocates　of　slaverythe　slavery…at…any…price　menand
the　Administration。　The　Confederate　Congress　had　passed　a　bill
ostensibly　to　make　effective　the　clause　in　its　constitution
prohibiting　the　African　slave…trade。　The　quick　eye　of　Davis　had
detected　in　it　a　mode　of　evasion；　for　cargoes　of　captured　slaves
were　to　be　confiscated　and　sold　at　public　auction。　The　President
had　exposed　this　adroit　subterfuge　in　his　message　vetoing　the
bill；　and　the　slavery…at…any…price　men　had　not　sufficient
influence　in　Congress　to　override　the　veto；　though　they　muttered
against　it　in　the　public　press。

The　slavery…at…any…price　men　did　not　again　conspicuously　show
their　hands　until　three　years　later　when　the　Administration
included　emancipation　in　its　policy。　The　ultimate　policy　of
emancipation　was　forced　upon　the　Government　by　many
considerations　but　more　particularly　by　the　difficulty　of
securing　labor　for　military　purposes。　In　a　country　where　the
supply　of　fighting　men　was　limited　and　the　workers　were　a　class
apart；　the　Government　had　to　employ　the　only　available　laborers
or　confess　its　inability　to　meet　the　industrial　demands　of　war。
But　the　available　laborers　were　slaves。　How　could　their　services
be　secured？　By　purchase？　Or　by　conscription？　Or　by　temporary
impressment？

Though　Davis　and　his　advisers　were　prepared　to　face　all　the
hazards　involved　in　the　purchase　or　confiscation　of　slaves；　the
traditional　Southern　temper　instantly　recoiled　from　the
suggestion。　A　Government　possessed　of　great　numbers　of　slaves；
whether　bought　or　appropriated；　would　have　in　its　hands　a
gigantic　power；　perhaps　for　industrial　competition　with　private
owners；　perhaps　even　for　organized　military　control。　Besides；　the
Government　might　at　any　moment　by　emancipating　its　slaves　upset
the　labor　system　of　the　country。　Furthermore；　the　opportunities
for　favoritism　in　the　management　of　state…owned　slaves　were
beyond　calculation。　Considerations　such　as　these　therefore
explain　the　watchful　jealousy　of　the　planters　toward　the
Government　whenever　it　proposed　to　acquire　property　in　slaves。

It　is　essential　not　to　attribute　this　social…political　dread　of
government　ownership　of　slaves　merely　to　the　clutch　of　a　wealthy
class　on　its　property。　Too　many　observers；　strangely　enough；　see
the　latter　motive　to　the　exclusion　of　the　former。　Davis　himself
was　not；　it　would　seem；　free　from　this　confusion。　He　insisted
that　neither　slaves　nor　land　were　taxed　by　the　Confederacy；　and
between　the　lines　he　seems　to　attribute　to　the　planter　class　the
familiar　selfishness　of　massed　capital。　He　forgot　that　the　tax　in
kind　was　combined　with　an　income　tax。　In　theory；　at　least；　the
slave　and　the　landeven　non…farming　landwere　taxed。　However；
the　dread　of　a　slave…owning　Government　prevented　any　effective
plan　for　supplying　the　army　with　labor　except　through　the
temporary　impressment　of　slaves　who　were　eventually　to　be
returned　to　their　owners。　The　policy　of　emancipation　had　to　wait。

Bound　up　in　the　labor　question　was　the　question　of　the　control　of
slaves　during　the　war。　In　the　old　days　when　there　were　plenty　of
white　men　in　the　countryside；　the　roads　were　carefully　patrolled
at　night；　and　no　slave　ventured　to　go　at　large　unless　fully
prepared　to　prove　his　i