the day of the confederacy-第13章

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supplies　which　it　impressed。

The　new　Tax　Act　attempted　to　provide　revenues　which　should　not　be
paid　in　depreciated　currency。　With　no　bullion　to　speak　of；　the
Confederate　Congress　could　not　establish　a　circulating　medium
with　even　an　approximation　to　constant　value。　Realizing　this
situation；　Memminger　had　advised　falling　back　on　the　ancient
system　of　tithes　and　the　support　of　the　Government　by　direct
contributions　of　produce。　After　licensing　a　great　number　of
occupations　and　laying　a　property　tax　and　an　income　tax；　the　new
law　demanded　a　tenth　of　the　produce　of　all　farmers。　On　this　law
the　Mercury　pronounced　a　benediction　in　an　editorial　on　The　Fall
of　Prices；　which　it　attributed　to　〃the　healthy　influence　of　the
tax　bill　which　has　just　become　law。〃*　

*　The　fall　of　prices　was　attributed　by　others　to　a　funding　act；
one　of　several　passed　by　the　Confederate　Congresswhich；　in
March；　1863；　aimed　by　various　devices　to　contract　the　volume　of
the　currency。　It　was　very　generally　condemned；　and　it　anticipated
the　yet　more　drastic　measure；　the　Funding　Act　of　1864；　which　will
be　described　later。


Had　these　two　measures　been　the　whole　program　of　the　Government；
the　congressional　session　of　the　spring　of　1863　would　have　had　a
different　significance　in　Confederate　history。　But　there　was　a
third　measure　that　provoked　a　new　attack　on　the　Government。　The
gracious　words　of　the　Mercury　on　the　tax　in　kind　came　as　an
interlude　in　the　midst　of　a　bitter　controversy。　An　editorial　of
the　12th　of　March　headed　〃A　Despotism　over　the　Confederate　States
Proposed　in　Congress〃　amounted　to　a　declaration　of　war。　From　this
time　forward　the　opposition　and　the　Government　drew　steadily
further　and　further　apart　and　their　antagonism　grew　steadily　more
relentless。

What　caused　this　irrevocable　breach　was　a　bill　introduced　into
the　House　by　Ethelbert　Barksdale　of　Mississippi；　an　old　friend　of
President　Davis。　This　bill　would　have　invested　the　President　with
authority　to　suspend　the　privilege　of　the　writ　of　habeas　corpus
in　any　part　of　the　Confederacy；　whenever　in　his　judgment　such
suspension　was　desirable。　The　first　act　suspending　the　privilege
of　habeas　corpus　had　long　since　expired　and　applied　only　to　such
regions　as　were　threatened　with　invasion。　It　had　served　usefully
under　martial　law　in　cleansing　Richmond　of　its　rogues；　and　also
had　been　in　force　at　Charleston。　The　Mercury　had　approved　it　and
had　exhorted　its　readers　to　take　the　matter　sensibly　as　an
inevitable　detail　of　war。　Between　that　act　and　the　act　now
proposed　the　Mercury　saw　no　similarity。　Upon　the　merits　of　the
question　it　fought　a　furious　journalistic　duel　with　the　Enquirer；
the　government　organ　at　Richmond；　which　insisted　that　President
Davis　would　not　abuse　his　power。　The　Mercury　replied　that　if　he
〃were　a　second　Washington；　or　an　angel　upon　earth；　the
degradation　such　a　surrender　of　our　rights　implies　would　still　be
abhorrent　to　every　freeman。〃　In　retort　the　Enquirer　pointed　out
that　a　similar　law　had　been　enacted　by　another　Congress　with　no
bad　results。　And　in　point　of　fact　the　Enquirer　was　right；　for　in
October；　1862；　after　the　expiration　of　the　first　act　suspending
the　privilege　of　the　writ　of　habeas　corpus；　Congress　passed　a
second　giving　to　the　President　the　immense　power　which　was　now
claimed　for　him　again。　This　second　act　was　in　force　several
months。　Then　the　Mercury　made　the　astounding　declaration　that　it
had　never　heard　of　the　second　act；　and　thereupon　proceeded　to
attack　the　secrecy　of　the　Administration　with　renewed　vigor。

On　this　issue　of　reviving　the　expired　second　Habeas　Corpus　Act；　a
battle　royal　was　fought　in　the　Confederate　Congress。　The　forces
of　the　Administration　defended　the　new　measure　on　the　ground
that　various　regions　were　openly　seditious　and　that　conscription
could　not　be　enforced　without　it。　This　argument　gave　a　new　text
for　the　cry　of　〃despotism。〃　The　congressional　leader　of　the
opposition　was　Henry　S。　Foote；　once　the　rival　of　Davis　in
Mississippi　and　now　a　citizen　of　Tennessee。　Fierce；　vindictive；
sometimes　convincing；　always　shrewd；　he　was　a　powerful　leader　of
the　rough　and　ready；　buccaneering　sort。　Under　his　guidance　the
debate　was　diverted　into　a　rancorous　discussion　of　the　conduct　of
the　general's　in　the　execution　of　martial　law。　Foote　pulled　out
all　the　stops　in　the　organ　of　political　rhetoric　and　went　in　for
a　chant　royal　of　righteous　indignation。　The　main　object　of　this
attack　was　General　Hindman　and　his　doings　in　Arkansas。　Those　were
still　the　days　of　pamphleteering。　Though　General　Albert　Pike　had
written　a　severe　pamphlet　condemning　Hindman；　to　this　pamphlet
the　Confederate　Government　had　shut　its　eyes。　Foote；　however；
flourished　it　in　the　face　of　the　House。　He　thundered　forth　his
belief　that　Hindman　was　worse　even　than　the　man　most　detested　in
the　South；　than　〃beast　Butler　himself；　for　the　latter　is　only
charged　with　persecuting　and　oppressing　the　avowed　enemies　of　his
Government；　while　Hindman；　if　guilty　as　charged；　has　practised
cruelties　unnumbered〃　on　his　people。　Other　representatives　spoke
in　the　same　vein。　Baldwin　of　Virginia　told　harrowing　tales　of
martial　law　in　that　State。　Barksdale　attempted　to　retaliate；
sarcastically　reminding　him　of　a　recent　scene　of　riot　and
disorder　which　proved　that　martial　law；　in　any　effective　form；
did　not　exist　in　Virginia。　He　alluded　to　a　riot；　ostensibly　for
bread；　in　which　an　Amazonian　woman　had　led　a　mob　to　the　pillaging
of　the　Richmond　jewelry　shops；　a　riot　which　Davis　himself　had
quelled　by　meeting　the　rioters　and　threatening　to　fire　upon　them。
But　sarcasm　proved　powerless　against　Foote。　His　climax　was　a
lurid　tale　of　a　soldier　who　while　marching　past　his　own　house
heard　that　his　wife　was　dying；　who　left　the　ranks　for　a　last　word
with　her；　and　who　on　rejoining　the　command；　〃hoping　to　get
permission　to　bury　her；〃　was　shot　as　a　deserter。　And　there　was　no
one　on　the　Government　benches　to　anticipate　Kipling　and　cry　out
〃flat　art！〃　Resolutions　condemning　martial　law　were　passed　by　a
vote　of　45　to　27。

Two　weeks　later　the　Mercury　preached　a　burial　sermon　over　the
Barksdale　Bill；　which　had　now　been　rejected　by　the　House。
Congress　was　about　to　adjourn；　and　before　it　reassembled
elections　for　the　next　House　would　be　held。　〃The　measure　is　dead
for　the　present；〃　said　the　Mercury；　〃but　power　is　ever　restive
and　prone　to　accumulate　power；　and　if　the　war　continues；　other
efforts　will　doubtless　be　made　to　make　the　President　a　Dictator。
Let　the　people　keep　their　eyes　steadily　fixed　on　their
representatives　with　respect　to　this　vital　matter；　and　should　the
effort　again　be　made　to　suspend　the　Habeas　Corpus　Act；　demand
that　a　recorded　vote　should　show　those　who　shall　strike　down
their　liberties。〃



　Chapter　V。　The　Critical　Year

The　great　military　events　of　the　year　1863　have　pushed　out　of
men's　memories　the　less　dramatic　but　scarcely　less　important
civil　events。　To　begin　with；　in　this　year　two　of　the　greatest
personalities　in　the　South　passed　from　the　political　stage：　in
the　summer　Yancey　died；　and　in　the　autumn；　Rhett　went　into
retirement。

The　ever　malicious　Pollard　insists　that　Yancey's　death　was　due
ultimately　to　a　personal　encounter　with　a　Senator　from　Georgia　on
the　floor　of　the　Senate。　The　curious　may　find　the　discreditable
story　embalmed　in　the　secret　journal　of　the　Senate；　where　are　the
various　motions　designed　to　keep　the　incident　from　the　knowledge
of　the　world。　Whether　it　really　caused　Yancey's　death　is　another
question。　However；　the　moment　of　his　passing　has　dramatic
significance。　Just　as　the　battle　over　conscription　was　fully
begun；　when　the　fear　that　the　Confederate　Government　had　arrayed
itself　against　the　rights　of　the　States　had　definitely　taken
shape；　when　this　dread　had　been　reenforced　by　the　alarm　over　the
suspension　of　habeas　corpus；　the　great　pioneer　of　the　secession
movement　went　to　his　grave；　despairing　of　the　country　he　had
failed　to　lead。　His　death　occurred　in　the　same　month　as　the
Battle　of　Gettysburg；　at　the　very　time　when　the　Confederacy　was
dividing　against　itself。

The　withdrawal　of　Rhett　from　active　life　was　an　incident　of　the
congressional　elections。　He　had　consen