lecture iii-第2章
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as it was; to the periodical invasions of the Tartars; explain;
to a great extent; why the character of the commune varies so
much throughout the land。 Its growth has been stopped in one
place at an early stage; in another place at a later stage; of
its development。 We can trace these stages in some cases by
charters and by legal and judicial documents; in others by the
transformation of the commune into higher and more elaborate
forms。 It is only by the study of these documents and these forms
that the Russian historian can hope to be able to describe the
gradual development of the agrarian communism of his country。 We
will now consider the chief results which the application of this
method has produced。
In the last lecture it was shown that the earliest mode of
land tenure in Russia was the holding it in an undivided state by
the members of a house community。 This kind of a family communism
is mentioned in the Pravda of Jaroslav at the end of the eleventh
century; and continued to exist in the north and south of the
country down to the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries。 The
chief characteristic of this holding consisted in the fact that;
though the land remained undivided and lay open as it had done
for centuries before; every member of the household;
nevertheless; was the possessor of a share in the various fields
belonging to the family。 These shares were not equal; but varied
according to rights of inheritance appertaining to each of the
holders。 Should the brothers and nephews decide on living
separately; they would abandon the old system of using in common
the produce of the early harvest; and divide the area of the
arable land in unequa1 shares; proportioned to the rights of
inheritance possessed by each member of the household。 The extent
of the shares was not fixed。 The soil varied in fertility; and
all the shareholders alike appreciated the advantages of
vicinity; each partner; therefore; received the right to enjoy a
certain portion in each of the fields possessed by the village。
These portions were not strictly defined; but; as a rule;
represented the half; third; fourth; eighth; and so on; of the
field according to the heritage which was acknowledged to belong
to each partner。
Let us suppose the case of one commune; the family consisting
of three brothers living and two nephews; the sons of a fourth
brother deceased。 The share of each of the brothers would be
one…fourth part of each of the different fields in the village;
whilst that of the nephews would not exceed an eighth。 Each
partner having a right to sell his ideal portion; or a part of
it; to a stranger; as well as to a relative; the village would
soon become occupied by neighbours owning the most unequal
portions in field。 These neighbours would maintain the
obligations which common possession is apt to establish; the
meadows for the greater part of the time would be kept undivided;
subject here and there to a yearly distribution according to the
wants of each homestead; but these wants being as a rule the
same; the custom would prevail of dividing them into equal parts
for the purpose of mowing。
The pasture and forest land would also remain subject to a
community of ownership; and would sometimes belong to several
neighbouring villages; which in that case would constitute a
larger area; similar to the German 〃mark;〃 and known under the
name of 〃volost。〃 Each of the inhabitants of the 〃volost〃 would
be allowed an unlimited use of the undivided area; it being too
extensive to be easily exhausted。 It would; however; be an error
to suppose that this general and unlimited enjoyment of the
undivided mark was but the result of that freedom which all
possessed as to unoccupied ground (the res nullius); for a person
who was not an inhabitant of the village or villages constituting
the mark or 〃volost;〃 would have no right to enjoy its pastures
and forest lands。 That this was the case is proved by the fact
that no one might dig a piece of ground belonging to the forest
unless the digging were authorised by the whole community of
shareholders。 Such a right of prohibition could not have been
enjoyed unless the community was the owner of the 〃mark。〃
The natural evolution of agrarian communism did not go
further than this in the northern parts of Russia。 It went
further; however; in the south in those vast and fertile
steppes which lie on the eastern and western banks of Dnieper;
and which for centuries constituted a part of Poland。 The recent
researches of Professor Louchizky have brought to light the
following facts; which were quite unknown and some of which were
directly contradicted by former historians。 Undivided households
and their immediate successors; villages; composed of sharers in
the same ground; were in the beginning well known on the eastern
bank of the Dnieper。 The undivided 〃mark;〃 on which every
homestead had the right to take fuel and to pasture its cattle;
is known in this region under the name of lands belonging to the
〃gromada;〃 or commune。 They are sometimes called also common or
village lands。 The colonists who; during the sixteenth and
seventeenth centuries; crossed the river in order to occuPy the
free steppes in the modern Government of Tchernigov; migrated in
companies; organised on the model of undivided or partly divided
households。 These companies were called 〃skladchina;〃 from the
verb 〃skladivat;〃 which means to put something in common。 The
area on which the colonisation took place was so boundless that
each homestead was allowed to sow yearly as much ground as it was
able to till。 When the harvest was once reaped the land was
abandoned; and a new piece occupied for agricultural purposes。
You can easily see that this was a proceeding similar to that of
the ancient Germans; of which Tacitus says: 〃Arva per annos
mutant et superest ager。〃
I need not tell you that as long as the population was small
enough to allow of a yearly change of soil for cultivation;
redistribution was never thought of; no mention is ever made of
the run…rig system which characterises the modern village
community。 But as it is impossible that shares should be equal
without recourse to some such method; we must not look for
equality under the conditions just stated。 Even in the eighteenth
century; when the growth of population had diminished the area of
arable land; periodical redistribution remained unknown。 If some
amount of equality was; nevertheless; secured; it was due to the
control which the commune began to exert over its members。
Private appropriation of soil was no longer allowed; except on
the condition of its being made at certain fixed periods; and
under the supervision of the authorities。 Twice a year; in autumn
and in spring; the whole commune; with its cattle and its
agricultural implements; went out into the open field。 At the
command of the village…elder; the head of each homestead
proceeded to trace with his own plough the limits of the ground
he intended to sow; and no one was allowed to extend his
cultivation beyond the limits thus settled。 By…and…by the right
of retaining these private parcels of ground was extended to a
period of three years; at the end of which they returned to the
commune; and a new appropriation of the arable area was ordered
to be made。
Hitherto I have spoken of the mode in which land was enjoyed
so far as it applied to arable land alone。 Let us now say a word
about the meadows; forest land; and pastures。 The first were
owned on conditions similar to those first mentioned。 At the end
of May a day was fixed when all the villagers were assembled for
the hay harvest。 Each householder marked with a scythe the limits
of the meadow he intended to mow。 It was the duty of the
village…elders to see that these limits were strictly observed。
Forests and pastures were so abundant that no measuring was
needed to regulate their use。 Non…division and common enjoyment
remained the general rule; several villages very often possessing
equal rights to take fuel and to pasture cattle in the same
forests and wastes。
Whilst this was the state of things on the banks of the
Dnieper; a sim