贝壳电子书 > 英文原著电子书 > vill2 >

第39章

vill2-第39章

小说: vill2 字数: 每页4000字

按键盘上方向键 ← 或 → 可快速上下翻页,按键盘上的 Enter 键可回到本书目录页,按键盘上方向键 ↑ 可回到本页顶部!
————未阅读完?加入书签已便下次继续阅读!



52 Henry III; m。 b: 'Et similiter predictus Petrus distringit eos pro consuetudinibus et servitiis que nec antecessores eorum nec ipsi facere consueverunt ut cum furcis et flagellis。'

104。 Eynsham Cartulary; Christ Church MSS。; No。 97; f 6; a: 'Willelmus F。 tenet unum cotagium et quartam partem unius virgate terre qui facere con。 suevit pro rata porcione sicut virgatarius。 Modo ponitur ad firmam dum domina placet ad 6 solidos; 8 d。;' etc。 Cf Domesday of St。 Paul's (Camden Series); 81。 This is in substance the difference between; bondagium et husbandland;' Inquis。 p。 mort。 46 Henry III; No。 25; Hexham Priory Cartulary (Surtees Series); p。 xx。

105。 Domesday of St。 Paul's (Camden Series); 49。

106。 St。 Alban's Formulary; Cambridge Univ。; Ee。 iv。 20: 'Ne uno homini plures terre tradantur; et si modo UnuS plures tcnet; div。idantur; si commode et honeste fieri poterit。'

107。 Domesday of St。 Paul's (Camden Series); 52; Duchy of Lancaster Court Rolls; B。 62; No。 750: 'Et quia huiusmodi tenementum nullus potest vendicare hereditarie ut de aliis villenagiis successive。'

108。 Hereford Rolls; 8 (Bodleian): 'Et concessum est ei tenere dictum mesuagium et unam acram terre sibi et heredibus suis secundum consuetudinem manerii per servicia inde debita et consueta。' Essex Rolls; 8 (Bodleian): 'Amicia de R。 que tenet ex consuetudine manerii。'

109。 Extractus Rotulorum de Halimotis; Cambridge Univ; Dd。 vii。 22; f I; a。

110。 Essex Rolls; 8 (Bodleian); m。 6: 'Johannes filius W。B。 venit et clamavit unum mesuagium et quatuor acras terre cum pertinenciis ut jus et hereditatem suam post mortemn dicti W。 patris sui faciendo inde dominis predictis servicia debita et consueta nomine villenagii et dat domino ad inquirendum de jure suo et si sit plene etatis et heres dicti W。 nec ne;' etc。

111。 Eynsham Cartulary; Christ Church MSS。; No。 27; f II; b: 'Matildis B。 tenet de domino unum cotagium cum curtilagio in voluntate domini。; Cf Glastonbury Inqu。 (Roxburghe Series); 66; Gloucester Cartulary (Rolls Series); iii。 134; Domesday of St。 Paul's (Camden Series); 23。

112。 Reg。 Cellararii Mon。 Bury St Edmund's; Cambridge Univ。; Gg。 iv。 4。 f。 52; b: '(Curia 7 Edw。 II)。。。 dicunt quod quidam Robertus Heth pater dictorum R。 W。 et J。 tenuit de conventu per virgam in villa de Berton magna。。。 Et quia dedixerunt cepisse dictam terram per virgam ideo potest seisiri dicta terra in manum domini。' Registr。 album vestiarii abbatiae S。 Edmundi; Cambridge Univ。; Ee。 iii。 60; f 188; b: 'Tenentes de mollond。。。 tenent per virgam in curia。' Eynsham Cartulary; Christ Church MSS。; No。 97: 'Ricardus W。 tenet unum cotagium et duas acras terrae campestres per rotulum curie pro 3 sol。' Cf 12; a。

113。 Note…book of Bracton; pl。 1237。

114。 Ely Register; Cotton; Claudius; C。 xi。 f iii。 b: 'Habebit duas pugillatas avene ex gratia; ut juratores dicunt; per longum tempus usitata。'

115。 Warwickshire Roll。 Exch。 Q。R。 No。 29; f。 94; b: 'Servus。。。。 cum fecerit exennium。。。。 comedet cum domino。'

116。 Christ Church; Canterbury; Cartulary; Add。 MSS。 6159; f 22; b。 Cf Gloucester Cartulary (Rolls Series); iii。 203。

117。 Custumal of Battle Abbey (Camden Ser。); 30: 'Et debet herciare per duos dies。。。。 pretium operis iiij。 d。 Et recipiet de domino utroque die repastus pretii iij d。 Et sic erit dominus perdens j。d。 Et sic nichil valet illa herciatio ad opus domini。'

118。 Coram Rege; Pasch。; 14 Edw。 I; Lege; 18: 'Villani circulare (sic) non consueverunt nisi ex voluntate。'

119。 Glastonbury Inqu。 (Roxburghe Series); 82: 'Sed non debet carriare nisi dominus prestaverit suum plaustrum。'

120。 Cotton MSS。; Claudius; C。 xi; f 30; b: 'Sed juratores dicunt quod nunquam hoc fecerunt nec de iure facere debent。'

121。 Rot。 Hundred。 ii。 758; a: 'Servi。。。 nec potest filiam maritare nec uxorem ducere sine licencia domini; debet et salvo contellemento suo talliari et ad omnia auxilia communia scottare et lottare secundum facultatem suam;' etc。

Chapter 6

Free Peasantry

    I the heading of this chapter may not be misunderstood。 It would be difficult to speak of free peasantry in the modern sense at the time with which we are now dealing。 Some kind or form of dependence often clings even to those who occupy the best place among villagers as recognised free tenants; and in most cases we have a very strong infusion of subjection in the life of otherwise privileged peasants。 But if we keep to the main distinctions; and to the contrast which the authorities themselves draw between the component elements of the peasant class; its great bulk will arrange itself into two groups: the larger one will consist of those ordinarily designated as villains; a smaller; but by no means an insignificant or scanty one; will present itself as free; more or less protected by law; and more or less independent of the bidding of the lord and his steward。 There is no break between the two groups; one status runs continuously into the other; and it may be difficult to distinguish between the intermediate shades; but the fundamental difference of conception is clearly noticeable as soon as we come to look at the whole; and it is not only noticeable to us but was noticed by the contemporary documents。     In very many cases we are actually enabled to see how freedom and legal security gradually emerge from subjection。 One of the great movements in the social life of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries is the movement towards the commutation of services for money rents。 In every survey we find a certain number of persons who now pay money; whereas they used to do work; and who have thus emancipated themselves from the most onerous form of subjection。(1*) In the older documents it is commonly specified that the lord may revert to the old system; give up the rents; and enforce the services。(2*) In later documents this provision disappears; having become obsolete; and there is only a mention of certain sums of money。 The whole process; which has left such distinct traces in the authorities; is easily explained by England's economic condition at that time。 Two important factors co…operated to give the country an exceptionally privileged position。 England was the only country in Europe with a firmly constituted government。 The Norman Conquest had powerfully worked in the sense of social feudalism; but it had arrested the disruptive tendencies of political feudalism。 The opposition between the two races; the necessity for both to keep together; the complexity of political questions which arose from conquest and settlement on the one hand; from the intercourse with Normandy and France on the other;  all these agencies working together account for a remarkable intensity of action on the part of the centripetal forces of society; if I may use the expression: there was in England a constant tendency towards the concentration and organisation of political power in sharp contrast with the rest of Europe where the state had fallen a prey to local and private interests。 One of the external results of such a condition was the growth of a royal power supported by the sympathy of the lower English…born classes; but arranging society by the help of Norman principles of fiscal administration。 Not less momentous was the formation of an aristocracy which was compelled to act as a class instead of acting as a mere collection of individuals each striving for his own particular advantage; as a class it had to reckon with; and sometimes represent; the interests and requirements of other classes。 In all these respects England was much ahead of Germany; where tribal divisions were more powerful than national unity; and the state had to form itself on feudal foundations in opposition to a cosmopolitan Imperial power; it was not less in advance of France; where the work of unification; egotistically undertaken by the king; had hardly begun to get the upper hand in its conflict with local dynasties; not less in advance of Italy; so well situated for economic progress; but politically wrecked by its unhappy connexion with Germany; the anti…national influence of the Papacy; and the one…sided development of municipal institutions。 By reason of its political advantages England had the start of other European countries by a whole cen

返回目录 上一页 下一页 回到顶部 0 0

你可能喜欢的