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第31章

the writings-3-第31章

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To this Judge Douglas answered that they can lawfully exclude

slavery from the Territory prior to the formation of a

constitution。  He goes on to tell us how it can be done。  As I

understand him; he holds that it can be done by the Territorial

Legislature refusing to make any enactments for the protection of

slavery in the Territory; and especially by adopting unfriendly

legislation to it。  For the sake of clearness; I state it again:

that they can exclude slavery from the Territory; 1st; by

withholding what he assumes to be an indispensable assistance to

it in the way of legislation; and; 2d; by unfriendly legislation。

If I rightly understand him; I wish to ask your attention for a

while to his position。



In the first place; the Supreme Court of the United States has

decided that any Congressional prohibition of slavery in the

Territories is unconstitutional; that they have reached this

proposition as a conclusion from their former proposition; that

the Constitution of the United States expressly recognizes

property in slaves; and from that other Constitutional provision;

that no person shall be deprived of property without due process

of law。  Hence they reach the conclusion that as the Constitution

of the United States expressly recognizes property in slaves; and

prohibits any person from being deprived of property without due

process of law; to pass an Act of Congress by which a man who

owned a slave on one side of a line would be deprived of him if

he took him on the other side; is depriving him of that property

without due process of law。  That I understand to be the decision

of the Supreme Court。  I understand also that Judge Douglas

adheres most firmly to that decision; and the difficulty is; how

is it possible for any power to exclude slavery from the

Territory; unless in violation of that decision?  That is the

difficulty。



In the Senate of the United States; in 1850; Judge Trumbull; in a

speech substantially; if not directly; put the same interrogatory

to Judge Douglas; as to whether the people of a Territory had the

lawful power to exclude slavery prior to the formation of a

constitution。  Judge Douglas then answered at considerable

length; and his answer will be found in the Congressiona1 Globe;

under date of June 9th; 1856。  The Judge said that whether the

people could exclude slavery prior to the formation of a

constitution or not was a question to be decided by the Supreme

Court。  He put that proposition; as will be seen by the

Congressional Globe; in a variety of forms; all running to the

same thing in substance;that it was a question for the Supreme

Court。  I maintain that when he says; after the Supreme Court

have decided the question; that the people may yet exclude

slavery by any means whatever; he does virtually say that it is

not a question for the Supreme Court。  He shifts his ground。  I

appeal to you whether he did not say it was a question for the

Supreme Court?  Has not the Supreme Court decided that question?

when he now says the people may exclude slavery; does he not make

it a question for the people?  Does he not virtually shift his

ground and say that it is not a question for the Court; but for

the people?  This is a very simple proposition;a very plain and

naked one。  It seems to me that there is no difficulty in

deciding it。  In a variety of ways he said that it was a question

for the Supreme Court。  He did not stop then to tell us that;

whatever the Supreme Court decides; the people can by withholding

necessary 〃police regulations〃 keep slavery out。  He did not make

any such answer  I submit to you now whether the new state of the

case has not induced the Judge to sheer away from his original

ground。  Would not this be the impression of every fair…minded

man?



I hold that the proposition that slavery cannot enter a new

country without police regulations is historically false。  It is

not true at all。  I hold that the history of this country shows

that the institution of slavery was originally planted upon this

continent without these 〃police regulations;〃 which the Judge now

thinks necessary for the actual establishment of it。  Not only

so; but is there not another fact: how came this Dred Scott

decision to be made?  It was made upon the case of a negro being

taken and actually held in slavery in Minnesota Territory;

claiming his freedom because the Act of Congress prohibited his

being so held there。  Will the Judge pretend that Dred Scott was

not held there without police regulations?  There is at least one

matter of record as to his having been held in slavery in the

Territory; not only without police regulations; but in the teeth

of Congressional legislation supposed to be valid at the time。

This shows that there is vigor enough in slavery to plant itself

in a new country even against unfriendly legislation。  It takes

not only law; but the enforcement of law to keep it out。  That is

the history of this country upon the subject。



I wish to ask one other question。  It being understood that the

Constitution of the United States guarantees property in slaves

in the Territories; if there is any infringement of the right of

that property; would not the United States courts; organized for

the government of the Territory; apply such remedy as might be

necessary in that case?  It is a maxim held by the courts that

there is no wrong without its remedy; and the courts have a

remedy for whatever is acknowledged and treated as a wrong。



Again: I will ask you; my friends; if you were elected members of

the Legislature; what would be the first thing you would have to

do before entering upon your duties?  Swear to support the

Constitution of the United States。  Suppose you believe; as Judge

Douglas does; that the Constitution of the United States

guarantees to your neighbor the right to hold slaves in that

Territory; that they are his property:  how can you clear your

oaths unless you give him such legislation as is necessary to

enable him to enjoy that property?  What do you understand by

supporting the Constitution of a State; or of the United States?

Is it not to give such constitutional helps to the rights

established by that Constitution as may be practically needed?

Can you; if you swear to support the Constitution; and believe

that the Constitution establishes a right; clear your oath;

without giving it support?  Do you support the Constitution if;

knowing or believing there is a right established under it which

needs specific legislation; you withhold that legislation?  Do

you not violate and disregard your oath?  I can conceive of

nothing plainer in the world。  There can be nothing in the words

〃support the Constitution;〃 if you may run counter to it by

refusing support to any right established under the Constitution。

And what I say here will hold with still more force against the

Judge's doctrine of 〃unfriendly legislation。〃  How could you;

having sworn to support the Constitution; and believing it

guaranteed the right to hold slaves in the Territories; assist in

legislation intended to defeat that right?  That would be

violating your own view of the Constitution。  Not only so; but if

you were to do so; how long would it take the courts to hold your

votes unconstitutional and void?  Not a moment。



Lastly; I would ask: Is not Congress itself under obligation to

give legislative support to any right that is established under

the United States Constitution?  I repeat the question: Is not

Congress itself bound to give legislative support to any right

that is established in the United States Constitution?  A member

of Congress swears to support the Constitution of the United

States: and if he sees a right established by that Constitution

which needs specific legislative protection; can he clear his

oath without giving that protection?  Let me ask you why many of

us who are opposed to slavery upon principle give 

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