the writings-3-第26章

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〃Mr。　President；　you　here　find　several　distinct　propositions

advanced　boldly　by　the　Washington　Union　editorially；　and

apparently　authoritatively；　and　every　man　who　questions　any　of

them　is　denounced　as　an　Abolitionist；　a　Free…soiler；　a　fanatic。

The　propositions　are；　first；　that　the　primary　object　of　all

government　at　its　original　institution　is　the　protection　of

persons　and　property；　second；　that　the　Constitution　of　the　United

States　declares　that　the　citizens　of　each　State　shall　be　entitled

to　all　the　privileges　and　immunities　of　citizens　in　the　several

States；　and　that；　therefore；　thirdly；　all　State　laws；　whether

organic　or　otherwise；　which　prohibit　the　citizens　of　one　State

from　settling　in　another　with　their　slave　property；　and

especially　declaring　it　forfeited；　are　direct　violations　of　the

original　intention　of　the　Government　and　Constitution　of　the

United　States；　and；　fourth；　that　the　emancipation　of　the　slaves

of　the　Northern　States　was　a　gross　outrage　on　the　rights　of

property；　in　as　much　as　it　was　involuntarily　done　on　the　part　of

the　owner。



〃Remember　that　this　article　was　published　in　the　Union　on　the

17th　of　November；　and　on　the　18th　appeared　the　first　article

giving　the　adhesion　of　the　Union　to　the　Lecompton　Constitution。

It　was　in　these　words：



〃'KANSAS　AND　HER　CONSTITUTION。The　vexed　question　is　settled。

The　problem　is　solved。　　The　dead　point　of　danger　is　passed。　　All

serious　trouble　to　Kansas　affairs　is　over　and　gone。。。。〃



〃And　a　column；　nearly；　of　the　same　sort。　　Then；　when　you　come　to

look　into　the　Lecompton　Constitution；　you　find　the　same　doctrine

incorporated　in　it　which　was　put　forth　editorially　in　the　Union。

What　is　it？



〃'ARTICLE　7；　Section　i。　　The　right　of　property　is　before　and

higher　than　any　constitutional　sanction；　and　the　right　of　the

owner　of　a　slave　to　such　slave　and　its　increase　is　the　same　and

as　invariable　as　the　right　of　the　owner　of　any　property

whatever。'



〃Then　in　the　schedule　is　a　provision　that　the　Constitution　may　be

amended　after　1864　by　a　two…thirds　vote。



〃'But　no　alteration　shall　be　made　to　affect　the　right　of　property

in　the　ownership　of　slaves。'



〃It　will　be　seen　by　these　clauses　in　the　Lecompton　Constitution

that　they　are　identical　in　spirit　with　this　authoritative　article

in　the　Washington　Union　of　the　day　previous　to　its　indorsement　of

this　Constitution。



〃When　I　saw　that　article　in　the　Union　of　the　17th　of　November；

followed　by　the　glorification　of　the　Lecompton　Constitution　on

the　18th　of　November；　and　this　clause　in　the　Constitution

asserting　the　doctrine　that　a　State　has　no　right　to　prohibit

slavery　within　its　limits；　I　saw　that　there　was　a　fatal　blow

being　struck　at　the　sovereignty　of　the　States　of　this　Union。〃



Here　he　says；　〃Mr。　President；　you　here　find　several　distinct

propositions　advanced　boldly；　and　apparently　authoritatively。〃

By　whose　authority；　Judge　Douglas？　　Again；　he　says　in　another

place；　〃It　will　be　seen　by　these　clauses　in　the　Lecompton

Constitution　that　they　are　identical　in　spirit　with　this

authoritative　article。〃　　By　whose　authority；who　do　you　mean　to

say　authorized　the　publication　of　these　articles？　　He　knows　that

the　Washington　Union　is　considered　the　organ　of　the

Administration。　　I　demand　of　Judge　Douglas　by　whose　authority　he

meant　to　say　those　articles　were　published；　if　not　by　the

authority　of　the　President　of　the　United　States　and　his　Cabinet？

I　defy　him　to　show　whom　he　referred　to；　if　not　to　these　high

functionaries　in　the　Federal　Government。　　More　than　this；　he　says

the　articles　in　that　paper　and　the　provisions　of　the　Lecompton

Constitution　are　〃identical；〃　and；　being　identical；　he　argues

that　the　authors　are　co…operating　and　conspiring　together。　　He

does　not　use　the　word　〃conspiring；〃　but　what　other　construction

can　you　put　upon　it？　　He　winds　up：



〃When　I　saw　that　article　in　the　Union　of　the　17th　of　November；

followed　by　the　glorification　of　the　Lecompton　Constitution　on

the　18th　of　November；　and　this　clause　in　the　Constitution

asserting　the　doctrine　that　a　State　has　no　right　to　prohibit

slavery　within　its　limits；　I　saw　that　there　was　a　fatal　blow

being　struck　at　the　sovereignty　of　the　States　of　this　Union。〃



I　ask　him　if　all　this　fuss　was　made　over　the　editor　of　this

newspaper。　　It　would　be　a　terribly　〃fatal　blow〃　indeed　which　a

single　man　could　strike；　when　no　President；　no　Cabinet　officer；

no　member　of　Congress；　was　giving　strength　and　efficiency　to　the

movement。　　Out　of　respect　to　Judge　Douglas's　good　sense　I　must

believe　he　did　n't　manufacture　his　idea　of　the　〃fatal〃　character

of　that　blow　out　of　such　a　miserable　scapegrace　as　he　represents

that　editor　to　be。　　But　the　Judge's　eye　is　farther　south　now。

Then；　it　was　very　peculiarly　and　decidedly　north。　　His　hope

rested　on　the　idea　of　visiting　the　great　〃Black　Republican〃

party；　and　making　it　the　tail　of　his　new　kite。　　He　knows　he　was

then　expecting　from　day　to　day　to　turn　Republican；　and　place

himself　at　the　head　of　our　organization。　　He　has　found　that　these

despised　〃Black　Republicans〃　estimate　him　by　a　standard　which　he

has　taught　them　none　too　well。　　Hence　he　is　crawling　back　into

his　old　camp；　and　you　will　find　him　eventually　installed　in　full

fellowship　among　those　whom　he　was　then　battling；　and　with　whom

he　now　pretends　to　be　at　such　fearful　variance。









THIRD　JOINT　DEBATE；　AT　JONESBORO；



SEPTEMBER　15；　1858



Mr。　LINCOLN'S　REPLY。



LADIES　AND　GENTLEMEN：There　is　very　much　in　the　principles　that

Judge　Douglas　has　here　enunciated　that　I　most　cordially　approve；

and　over　which　I　shall　have　no　controversy　with　him。　　In　so　far

as　he　has　insisted　that　all　the　States　have　the　right　to　do

exactly　as　they　please　about　all　their　domestic　relations；

including　that　of　slavery；　I　agree　entirely　with　him。　　He　places

me　wrong　in　spite　of　all　I　can　tell　him；　though　I　repeat　it　again

and　again；　insisting　that　I　have　no　difference　with　him　upon　this

subject。　　I　have　made　a　great　many　speeches；　some　of　which　have

been　printed；　and　it　will　be　utterly　impossible　for　him　to　find

anything　that　I　have　ever　put　in　print　contrary　to　what　I　now　say

upon　this　subject。　　I　hold　myself　under　constitutional

obligations　to　allow　the　people　in　all　the　States；　without

interference；　direct　or　indirect；　to　do　exactly　as　they　please；

and　I　deny　that　I　have　any　inclination　to　interfere　with　them；

even　if　there　were　no　such　constitutional　obligation。　　I　can　only

say　again　that　I　am　placed　improperlyaltogether　improperly；　in

spite　of　all　I　can　saywhen　it　is　insisted　that　I　entertain　any

other　view　or　purposes　in　regard　to　that　matter。



While　I　am　upon　this　subject；　I　will　make　some　answers　briefly　to

certain　propositions　that　Judge　Douglas　has　put。　　He　says；　〃Why

can't　this　Union　endure　permanently　half　slave　and　half　free？〃　I

have　said　that　I　supposed　it　could　not；　and　I　will　try；　before

this　new　audience；　to　give　briefly　some　of　the　reasons　for

entertaining　that　opinion。　　Another　form　of　his　question　is；　〃Why

can't　we　let　it　stand　as　our　fathers　placed　it？〃　That　is　the

exact　difficulty　between　us。　　I　say　that　Judge　Douglas　and　his

friends　have　changed　it　from　the　position　in　which　our　fathers

originally　placed　it。　　I　say；　in　the　way　our　father's　originally

left　the　slavery　question；　the　institution　was　in　the　course　of

ultimate　extinction；　and　the　public　mind　rested　in　the　belief

that　it　was　in　the　course　of　ultimate　extinction。　　I　say　when

this　government　was　first　established　it　was　the　policy　of　its

founders　to　prohibit　the　spread　of　slavery　into　the　new

Territories　of　the　United　States；　where　it　had　not　existed。　　But

Judge　Douglas　and　his　friends　have　broken　up　that　policy；　and

placed　it　upon　a　new　basis；　by　which　it　is　to　become　national　and

perpetual。　　All　I　have　asked　or　desired　anywhere　is　that　it

should　be　placed　back　again　upon　the　basis　that　the　fathers　of

our　government　originally