the writings-3-第24章

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insisted　on　that　which　he　would　not　for　a　moment　think　of　doing；

and　that　they　were　only　bluffing　him。　　I　believe　（I　have　not；

since　he　made　his　answer；　had　a　chance　to　examine　the　journals　or

Congressional　Globe　and　therefore　speak　from　memory）I　believe

the　state　of　the　bill　at　that　time；　according　to　parliamentary

rules；　was　such　that　no　member　could　propose　an　additional

amendment　to　Chase's　amendment。　　I　rather　think　this　is　the

truth；the　Judge　shakes　his　head。　　Very　well。　　I　would　like　to

know；　then；　if　they　wanted　Chase's　amendment　fixed　over；　why

somebody　else　could　not　have　offered　to　do　it？　　If　they　wanted　it

amended；　why　did　they　not　offer　the　amendment？　　Why　did　they　not

put　it　in　themselves？　　　But　to　put　it　on　the　other　ground：

suppose　that　there　was　such　an　amendment　offered；　and　Chase's　was

an　amendment　to　an　amendment；　until　one　is　disposed　of　by

parliamentary　law；　you　cannot　pile　another　on。　　Then　all　these

gentlemen　had　to　do　was　to　vote　Chase's　on；　and　then；　in　the

amended　form　in　which　the　whole　stood；　add　their　own　amendment　to

it；　if　they　wanted　to　put　it　in　that　shape。　　This　was　all　they

were　obliged　to　do；　and　the　ayes　and　noes　show　that　there　were

thirty…six　who　voted　it　down；　against　ten　who　voted　in　favor　of

it。　　The　thirty…six　held　entire　sway　and　control。　　They　could　in

some　form　or　other　have　put　that　bill　in　the　exact　shape　they

wanted。　　If　there　was　a　rule　preventing　their　amending　it　at　the

time；　they　could　pass　that；　and　then；　Chase's　amendment　being

merged；　put　it　in　the　shape　they　wanted。　　They　did　not　choose　to

do　so；　but　they　went　into　a　quibble　with　Chase　to　get　him　to　add

what　they　knew　he　would　not　add；　and　because　he　would　not；　they

stand　upon　the　flimsy　pretext　for　voting　down　what　they　argued

was　the　meaning　and　intent　of　their　own　bill。　　They　left　room

thereby　for　this　Dred　Scott　decision；　which　goes　very　far　to　make

slavery　national　throughout　the　United　States。



I　pass　one　or　two　points　I　have；　because　my　time　will　very　soon

expire；　but　I　must　be　allowed　to　say　that　Judge　Douglas　recurs

again；　as　he　did　upon　one　or　two　other　occasions；　to　the　enormity

of　Lincoln；　an　insignificant　individual　like　Lincoln；upon　his

ipse　dixit　charging　a　conspiracy　upon　a　large　number　of　members

of　Congress；　the　Supreme　Court；　and　two　Presidents；　to

nationalize　slavery。　　I　want　to　say　that；　in　the　first　place；　I

have　made　no　charge　of　this　sort　upon　my　ipse　dixit。　　I　have　only

arrayed　the　evidence　tending　to　prove　it；　and　presented　it　to　the

understanding　of　others；　saying　what　I　think　it　proves；　but

giving　you　the　means　of　judging　whether　it　proves　it　or　not。

This　is　precisely　what　I　have　done。　　I　have　not　placed　it　upon　my

ipse　dixit　at　all。　　On　this　occasion；　I　wish　to　recall　his

attention　to　a　piece　of　evidence　which　I　brought　forward　at

Ottawa　on　Saturday；　showing　that　he　had　made　substantially　the

same　charge　against　substantially　the　same　persons；　excluding　his

dear　self　from　the　category。　　I　ask　him　to　give　some　attention　to

the　evidence　which　I　brought　forward　that　he　himself　had

discovered　a　〃fatal　blow　being　struck〃　against　the　right　of　the

people　to　exclude　slavery　from　their　limits；　which　fatal　blow　he

assumed　as　in　evidence　in　an　article　in　the　Washington　Union；

published　〃by　authority。〃　　I　ask　by　whose　authority？　　He

discovers　a　similar　or　identical　provision　in　the　Lecompton

Constitution。　　Made　by　whom？　　The　framers　of　that　Constitution。

Advocated　by　whom？　　By　all　the　members　of　the　party　in　the

nation；　who　advocated　the　introduction　of　Kansas　into　the　Union

under　the　Lecompton　Constitution。　　I　have　asked　his　attention　to

the　evidence　that　he　arrayed　to　prove　that　such　a　fatal　blow　was

being　struck；　and　to　the　facts　which　he　brought　forward　in

support　of　that　charge；being　identical　with　the　one　which　he

thinks　so　villainous　in　me。　　He　pointed　it；　not　at　a　newspaper

editor　merely；　but　at　the　President　and　his　Cabinet　and　the

members　of　Congress　advocating　the　Lecompton　Constitution　and

those　framing　that　instrument。　　I　must　again　be　permitted　to

remind　him　that　although　my　ipse　dixit　may　not　be　as　great　as

his；　yet　it　somewhat　reduces　the　force　of　his　calling　my

attention　to　the　enormity　of　my　making　a　like　charge　against　him。



Go　on；　Judge　Douglas。









Mr。　LINCOLN'S　REJOINDER。



MY　FRIENDS：It　will　readily　occur　to　you　that　I　cannot；　in　half

an　hour；　notice　all　the　things　that　so　able　a　man　as　Judge

Douglas　can　say　in　an　hour　and　a　half；　and　I　hope；　therefore；　if

there　be　anything　that　he　has　said　upon　which　you　would　like　to

hear　something　from　me；　but　which　I　omit　to　comment　upon；　you

will　bear　in　mind　that　it　would　be　expecting　an　impossibility　for

me　to　go　over　his　whole　ground。　　I　can　but　take　up　some　of　the

points　that　he　has　dwelt　upon；　and　employ　my　half…hour　specially

on　them。



The　first　thing　I　have　to　say　to　you　is　a　word　in　regard　to　Judge

Douglas's　declaration　about　the　〃vulgarity　and　blackguardism〃　in

the　audience；　that　no　such　thing；　as　he　says；　was　shown　by　any

Democrat　while　I　was　speaking。　　Now；　I　only　wish；　by　way　of　reply

on　this　subject；　to　say　that　while　I　was　speaking；　I　used　no

〃vulgarity　or　blackguardism〃　toward　any　Democrat。



Now；　my　friends；　I　come　to　all　this　long　portion　of　the　Judge's

speech；perhaps　half　of　it；which　he　has　devoted　to　the　various

resolutions　and　platforms　that　have　been　adopted　in　the　different

counties　in　the　different　Congressional　districts；　and　in　the

Illinois　legislature；　which　he　supposes　are　at　variance　with　the

positions　I　have　assumed　before　you　to…day。　　It　is　true　that　many

of　these　resolutions　are　at　variance　with　the　positions　I　have

here　assumed。　　All　I　have　to　ask　is　that　we　talk　reasonably　and

rationally　about　it。　　I　happen　to　know；　the　Judge's　opinion　to

the　contrary　notwithstanding；　that　I　have　never　tried　to　conceal

my　opinions；　nor　tried　to　deceive　any　one　in　reference　to　them。

He　may　go　and　examine　all　the　members　who　voted　for　me　for　United

States　Senator　in　1855；　after　the　election　of　1854。　　They　were

pledged　to　certain　things　here　at　home；　and　were　determined　to

have　pledges　from　me；　and　if　he　will　find　any　of　these　persons

who　will　tell　him　anything　inconsistent　with　what　I　say　now；　I

will　resign；　or　rather　retire　from　the　race；　and　give　him　no　more

trouble。　　The　plain　truth　is　this：　At　the　introduction　of　the

Nebraska　policy；　we　believed　there　was　a　new　era　being　introduced

in　the　history　of　the　Republic；　which　tended　to　the　spread　and

perpetuation　of　slavery。　　But　in　our　opposition　to　that　measure

we　did　not　agree　with　one　another　in　everything。　　The　people　in

the　north　end　of　the　State　were　for　stronger　measures　of

opposition　than　we　of　the　central　and　southern　portions　of　the

State；　but　we　were　all　opposed　to　the　Nebraska　doctrine。　　We　had

that　one　feeling　and　that　one　sentiment　in　common。　　You　at　the

north　end　met　in　your　conventions　and　passed　your　resolutions。

We　in　the　middle　of　the　State　and　farther　south　did　not　hold　such

conventions　and　pass　the　same　resolutions；　although　we　had　in

general　a　common　view　and　a　common　sentiment。　　So　that　these

meetings　which　the　Judge　has　alluded　to；　and　the　resolutions　he

has　read　from；　were　local；　and　did　not　spread　over　the　whole

State。　　We　at　last　met　together　in　1886；　from　all　parts　of　the

State；　and　we　agreed　upon　a　common　platform。　　You；　who　held　more

extreme　notions；　either　yielded　those　notions；　or；　if　not　wholly

yielding　them；　agreed　to　yield　them　practically；　for　the　sake　of

embodying　the　opposition　to　the　measures　which　the　opposite　party

were　pushing　forward　at　that　time。　　We　met　you　then；　and　if　there

was　anything　yielded；　it　was　for　practical　purposes。　　We　agreed

then　upon　a　platform　for　the　party　throughout　the　entire　State　of

Illinois；　and　now　we　are　all　bound；　as　a　party；　to　that　platform。



And　I　say　here　to　you；　if　any　one　expects　of　mein　case　of　my

electionthat