the writings-3-第15章

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then　reply　for　half　an　hour。　　We　will　alternate　in　like　manner　in

each　successive　place。



Very　respectfully；　your　obedient　servant；



S。　　A。　　DOUGLAS。









Mr。　LINCOLN　TO　Mr。　DOUGLAS。



SPRINGFIELD；　July　31；　1858。



HON。　S。　　A。　　DOUGLAS：



Dear　Sir；Yours　of　yesterday；　naming　places；　times；　and　terms

for　joint　discussions　between　us；　was　received　this　morning。

Although；　by　the　terms；　as　you　propose；　you　take　four　openings

and　closes；　to　my　three；　I　accede；　and　thus　close　the

arrangement。　　I　direct　this　to　you　at　Hillsborough；　and　shall　try

to　have　both　your　letter　and　this　appear　in　the　Journal　and

Register　of　Monday　morning。



Your　obedient　servant；



A。　LINCOLN。









FIRST　JOINT　DEBATE；　AT　OTTAWA；



AUGUST　21；　1858



Mr。　LINCOLN'S　REPLY



MY　FELLOW…CITIZENS：When　a　man　hears　himself　somewhat

misrepresented；　it　provokes　him；　at　least；　I　find　it　so　with

myself；　but　when　misrepresentation　becomes　very　gross　and

palpable；　it　is　more　apt　to　amuse　him。　　The　first　thing　I　see　fit

to　notice　is　the　fact　that　Judge　Douglas　alleges；　after　running

through　the　history　of　the　old　Democratic　and　the　old　Whig

parties；　that　Judge　Trumbull　and　myself　made　an　arrangement　in

1854；　by　which　I　was　to　have　the　place　of　General　Shields　in　the

United　States　Senate；　and　Judge　Trumbull　was　to　have　the　place　of

Judge　Douglas。　　Now；　all　I　have　to　say　upon　that　subject　is　that

I　think　no　man　not　even　Judge　Douglas　can　prove　it；　because　it　is

not　true。　　I　have　no　doubt　he　is　〃conscientious〃　in　saying　it。

As　to　those　resolutions　that　he　took　such　a　length　of　time　to

read；　as　being　the　platform　of　the　Republican　party　in　1854；　I

say　I　never　had　anything　to　do　with　them；　and　I　think　Trumbull

never　had。　　Judge　Douglas　cannot　show　that　either　of　us　ever　did

have　anything　to　do　with　them。



I　believe　this　is　true　about　those　resolutions：　There　was　a　call

for　a　convention　to　form　a　Republican　party　at　Springfield；　and　I

think　that　my　friend　Mr。　Lovejoy；　who　is　here　upon　this　stand；

had　a　hand　in　it。　　I　think　this　is　true；　and　I　think　if　he　will

remember　accurately　he　will　be　able　to　recollect　that　he　tried　to

get　me　into　it；　and　I　would　not　go　in。　　I　believe　it　is　also　true

that　I　went　away　from　Springfield　when　the　convention　was　in

session；　to　attend　court　in　Tazewell　county。　　It　is　true　they　did

place　my　name；　though　without　authority；　upon　the　committee；　and

afterward　wrote　me　to　attend　the　meeting　of　the　committee；　but　I

refused　to　do　so；　and　I　never　had　anything　to　do　with　that

organization。　　This　is　the　plain　truth　about　all　that　matter　of

the　resolutions。



Now；　about　this　story　that　Judge　Douglas　tells　of　Trumbull

bargaining　to　sell　out　the　old　Democratic　party；　and　Lincoln

agreeing　to　sell　out　the　old　Whig　party；　I　have　the　means　of

knowing　about　that：　Judge　Douglas　cannot　have；　and　I　know　there

is　no　substance　to　it　whatever。　　Yet　I　have　no　doubt　he　is

〃conscientious〃　about　it。　　I　know　that　after　Mr。　Lovejoy　got　into

the　Legislature　that　winter；　he　complained　of　me　that　I　had　told

all　the　old　Whigs　of　his　district　that　the　old　Whig　party　was

good　enough　for　them；　and　some　of　them　voted　against　him　because

I　told　them　so。　　Now；　I　have　no　means　of　totally　disproving　such

charges　as　this　which　the　Judge　makes。　　A　man　cannot　prove　a

negative；　but　he　has　a　right　to　claim　that　when　a　man　makes　an

affirmative　charge；　he　must　offer　some　proof　to　show　the　truth　of

what　he　says。　　I　certainly　cannot　introduce　testimony　to　show　the

negative　about　things；　but　I　have　a　right　to　claim　that　if　a　man

says　he　knows　a　thing；　then　he　must　show　how　he　knows　it。　　I

always　have　a　right　to　claim　this；　and　it　is　not　satisfactory　to

me　that　he　may　be　〃conscientious〃　on　the　subject。



Now；　gentlemen；　I　hate　to　waste　my　time　on　such　things；　but　in

regard　to　that　general　Abolition　tilt　that　Judge　Douglas　makes；

when　he　says　that　I　was　engaged　at　that　time　in　selling　out　and

Abolitionizing　the　old　Whig　party；　I　hope　you　will　permit　me　to

read　a　part　of　a　printed　speech　that　I　made　then　at　Peoria；　which

will　show　altogether　a　different　view　of　the　position　I　took　in

that　contest　of　1854。



＇Voice：〃Put　on　your　specs。〃＇



Mr。　LINCOLN：　Yes；　sir；　I　am　obliged　to　do　so；　I　am　no　longer　a

young　man。



〃This　is　the　repeal　of　the　Missouri　Compromise。　　The　foregoing

history　may　not　be　precisely　accurate　in　every　particular；　but　I

am　sure　it　is　sufficiently　so　for　all　the　uses　I　shall　attempt　to

make　of　it；　and　in　it　we　have　before　us　the　chief　materials

enabling　us　to　correctly　judge　whether　the　repeal　of　the　Missouri

Compromise　is　right　or　wrong。



〃I　think；　and　shall　try　to　show；　that　it　is　wrongwrong　in　its

direct　effect；　letting　slavery　into　Kansas　and　Nebraska；　and

wrong　in　its　prospective　principle；　allowing　it　to　spread　to

every　other　part　of　the　wide　world　where　men　can　be　found

inclined　to　take　it。



〃This　declared　indifference；　but；　as　I　must　think；　covert　real

zeal　for　the　spread　of　slavery；　I　cannot　but　hate。　　I　hate　it

because　of　the　monstrous　injustice　of　slavery　itself。　　I　hate　it

because　it　deprives　our　republican　example　of　its　just　influence

in　the　world；enables　the　enemies　of　free　institutions；　with

plausibility；　to　taunt　us　as　hypocrites；　causes　the　real　friends

of　freedom　to　doubt　our　sincerity；　and　especially　because　it

forces　so　many　really　good　men　amongst　ourselves　into　an　open　war

with　the　very　fundamental　principles　of　civil　liberty；

criticizing　the　Declaration　of　Independence；　and　insisting　that

there　is　no　right　principle　of　action　but　self…interest。



〃Before　proceeding；　let　me　say　I　think　I　have　no　prejudice

against　the　Southern　people。　　They　are　just　what　we　would　be　in

their　situation。　　If　slavery　did　not　now　exist　among　them；　they

would　not　introduce　it。　　If　it　did　now　exist　among　us；　we　should

not　instantly　give　it　up。　　This　I　believe　of　the　masses　north　and

south。　　Doubtless　there　are　individuals　on　both　sides　who　would

not　hold　slaves　under　any　circumstances；　and　others　who　would

gladly　introduce　slavery　anew；　if　it　were　out　of　existence。　　We

know　that　some　Southern　men　do　free　their　slaves；　go　north；　and

become　tip…top　Abolitionists；　while　some　Northern　ones　go　south

and　become　most　cruel　slave…masters。



〃When　Southern　people　tell　us　they　are　no　more　responsible　for

the　origin　of　slavery　than　we；　I　acknowledge　the　fact。　　When　it

is　said　that　the　institution　exists；　and　that　it　is　very

difficult　to　get　rid　of　it；　in　any　satisfactory　way；　I　can

understand　and　appreciate　the　saying。　　I　will　not　blame　them　for

not　doing　what　I　should　not　know　how　to　do　myself。　　If　all

earthly　power　were　given　me；　I　should　not　know　what　to　do；　as　to

the　existing　institution。　　My　first　impulse　would　be　to　free　all

the　slaves　and　send　them　to　Liberia；to　their　own　native　land。

But　a　moment's　reflection　would　convince　me　that　whatever　of　high

hope　（as　I　think　there　is）　there　may　be　in　this　in　the　long　term；

its　sudden　execution　is　impossible。　　If　they　were　all　landed

there　in　a　day；　they　would　all　perish　in　the　next　ten　days；　and

there　are　not　surp1us　shipping　and　surplus　money　enough　in　the

world　to　carry　them　there　in　many　times　ten　days。　　What　then？

Free　them　all　and　keep　them　among　us　as　underlings？　　Is　it　quite

certain　that　this　betters　their　condition？　　I　think　I　would　not

hold　one　in　slavery；　at　any　rate；　yet　the　point　is　not　clear

enough　to　me　to　denounce　people　upon。　　What　next？　　Free　them；　and

make　them　politically　and　socially　our　equals？　　My　own　feelings

will　not　admit　of　this；　and　if　mine　would；　we　well　know　that

those　of　the　great　mass　of　white　people　will　not。　　Whether　this

feeling　accords　with　justice　and　sound　judgment；　is　not　the　sole

question；　if；　indeed；　it　is　any　part　of　it。　　A　universal　feeling；

whether　well　or　ill　founded；　cannot　be　safely　disregarded。　　We

cannot；　then；　make　them　equals。　　It　does　seem　to