the writings-3-第14章

按键盘上方向键 ← 或 → 可快速上下翻页，按键盘上的 Enter 键可回到本书目录页，按键盘上方向键 ↑ 可回到本页顶部！
————未阅读完？加入书签已便下次继续阅读！



leaning　toward　the　Americans　and　Old　Whigs。　　Last　evening；　in　a

sort　of　weeping　tone；　he　described　to　us　a　death…bed　scene。　　He

had　been　called　to　the　side　of　Mr。　Clay；　in　his　last　moments；　in

order　that　the　genius　of　〃popular　sovereignty〃　might　duly　descend

from　the　dying　man　and　settle　upon　him；　the　living　and　most

worthy　successor。　　He　could　do　no　less　than　promise　that　he　would

devote　the　remainder　of　his　life　to　〃popular　sovereignty〃；　and

then　the　great　statesman　departs　in　peace。　　By　this　part　of　the

〃plan　of　the　campaign〃　the　Judge　has　evidently　promised　himself

that　tears　shall　be　drawn　down　the　cheeks　of　all　Old　Whigs；　as

large　as　half…grown　apples。



Mr。　Webster；　too；　was　mentioned；　but　it　did　not　quite　come　to　a

death…bed　scene　as　to　him。　　It　would　be　amusing；　if　it　were　not

disgusting；　to　see　how　quick　these　compromise…breakers　administer

on　the　political　effects　of　their　dead　adversaries；　trumping　up

claims　never　before　heard　of；　and　dividing　the　assets　among

themselves。　　If　I　should　be　found　dead　to…morrow　morning；　nothing


but　my　insignificance　could　prevent　a　speech　being　made　on　my

authority；　before　the　end　of　next　week。　　It　so　happens　that　in

that　〃popular　sovereignty〃　with　which　Mr。　Clay　was　identified；

the　Missouri　Compromise　was　expressly　reversed；　and　it　was　a

little　singular　if　Mr。　Clay　cast　his　mantle　upon　Judge　Douglas　on

purpose　to　have　that　compromise　repealed。



Again；　the　Judge　did　not　keep　faith　with　Mr。　Clay　when　he　first

brought　in　his　Nebraska　Bill。　　He　left　the　Missouri　Compromise

unrepealed；　and　in　his　report　accompanying　the　bill　he　told　the

world　he　did　it　on　purpose。　　The　manes　of　Mr。　Clay　must　have　been

in　great　agony　till　thirty　days　later；　when　〃popular　sovereignty〃

stood　forth　in　all　its　glory。



One　more　thing。　　Last　night　Judge　Douglas　tormented　himself　with

horrors　about　my　disposition　to　make　negroes　perfectly　equal　with

white　men　in　social　and　political　relations。　　He　did　not　stop　to

show　that　I　have　said　any　such　thing；　or　that　it　legitimately

follows　from　anything　I　have　said；　but　he　rushes　on　with　his

assertions。　　I　adhere　to　the　Declaration　of　Independence。　　If

Judge　Douglas　and　his　friends　are　not　willing　to　stand　by　it；　let

them　come　up　and　amend　it。　　Let　them　make　it　read　that　all　men

are　created　equal　except　negroes。　　Let　us　have　it　decided　whether

the　Declaration　of　Independence；　in　this　blessed　year　of　1858；

shall　be　thus　amended。　　In　his　construction　of　the　Declaration

last　year；　he　said　it　only　meant　that　Americans　in　America　were

equal　to　Englishmen　in　England。　　Then；　when　I　pointed　out　to　him

that　by　that　rule　he　excludes　the　Germans；　the　Irish；　the

Portuguese；　and　all　the　other　people　who　have　come　among　us　since

the　revolution；　he　reconstructs　his　construction。　　In　his　last

speech　he　tells　us　it　meant　Europeans。



I　press　him　a　little　further；　and　ask　if　it　meant　to　include　the

Russians　in　Asia；　or　does　he　mean　to　exclude　that　vast　population

from　the　principles　of　our　Declaration　of　Independence？　　I　expect

ere　long　he　will　introduce　another　amendment　to　his　definition。

He　is　not　at　all　particular。　　He　is　satisfied　with　anything　which

does　not　endanger　the　nationalizing　of　negro　slavery。　　It　may

draw　white　men　down；　but　it　must　not　lift　negroes　up。



Who　shall　say；　〃I　am　the　superior；　and　you　are　the　inferior〃？



My　declarations　upon　this　subject　of　negro　slavery　may　be

misrepresented；　but　cannot　be　misunderstood。　　I　have　said　that　I

do　not　understand　the　Declaration　to　mean　that　all　men　were

created　equal　in　all　respects。　　They　are　not　our　equal　in　color；

but　I　suppose　that　it　does　mean　to　declare　that　all　men　are　equal

in　some　respects；　they　are　equal　in　their　right　to　〃life；

liberty；　and　the　pursuit　of　happiness。〃　　Certainly　the　negro　is

not　our　equal　in　color；　perhaps　not　in　many　other　respects；

still；　in　the　right　to　put　into　his　mouth　the　bread　that　his　own

hands　have　earned；　he　is　the　equal　of　every　other　man；　white　or

black。　　In　pointing　out　that　more　has　been　given　you；　you　cannot

be　justified　in　taking　away　the　little　which　has　been　given　him。

All　I　ask　for　the　negro　is　that　if　you　do　not　like　him；　let　him

alone。　　If　God　gave　him　but　little；　that　little　let　him　enjoy。



When　our　government　was　established　we　had　the　institution　of

slavery　among　us。　　We　were　in　a　certain　sense　compelled　to

tolerate　its　existence。　　It　was　a　sort　of　necessity。　　We　had　gone

through　our　struggle　and　secured　our　own　independence。　　The

framers　of　the　Constitution　found　the　institution　of　slavery

amongst　their　own　institutions　at　the　time。　　They　found　that　by

an　effort　to　eradicate　it　they　might　lose　much　of　what　they　had

already　gained。　　They　were　obliged　to　bow　to　the　necessity。　　They

gave　power　to　Congress　to　abolish　the　slave　trade　at　the　end　of

twenty　years。　　They　also　prohibited　it　in　the　Territories　where

it　did　not　exist。　　They　did　what　they　could；　and　yielded　to　the

necessity　for　the　rest。　　I　also　yield　to　all　which　follows　from

that　necessity。　　What　I　would　most　desire　would　be　the　separation

of　the　white　and　black　races。



One　more　point　on　this　Springfield　speech　which　Judge　Douglas

says　he　has　read　so　carefully。　　I　expressed　my　belief　in　the

existence　of　a　conspiracy　to　perpetuate　and　nationalize　slavery。

I　did　not　profess　to　know　it；　nor　do　I　now。　　I　showed　the　part

Judge　Douglas　had　played　in　the　string　of　facts　constituting　to

my　mind　the　proof　of　that　conspiracy。　　I　showed　the　parts　played

by　others。



I　charged　that　the　people　had　been　deceived　into　carrying　the

last　Presidential　election；　by　the　impression　that　the　people　of

the　Territories　might　exclude　slavery　if　they　chose；　when　it　was

known　in　advance　by　the　conspirators　that　the　court　was　to　decide

that　neither　Congress　nor　the　people　could　so　exclude　slavery。

These　charges　are　more　distinctly　made　than　anything　else　in　the

speech。



Judge　Douglas　has　carefully　read　and　reread　that　speech。　　He　has

not；　so　far　as　I　know；　contradicted　those　charges。　　In　the　two

speeches　which　I　heard　he　certainly　did　not。　　On　this　own　tacit

admission；　I　renew　that　charge。　　I　charge　him　with　having　been　a

party　to　that　conspiracy　and　to　that　deception　for　the　sole

purpose　of　nationalizing　slavery。









CORRESPONDENCE　BETWEEN　LINCOLN　AND　DOUGLAS



＇The　following　is　the　correspondence　between　the　two　rival

candidates　for　the　United　States　Senate＇



MR。　LINCOLN　TO　MR。　DOUGLAS。



CHICAGO；　ILL。；　July　24；　1558。



HON。　S。　　A。　　DOUGLAS：



My　dear　Sir；Will　it　be　agreeable　to　you　to　make　an　arrangement

for　you　and　myself　to　divide　time；　and　address　the　same　audiences

the　present　canvass？　　Mr。　Judd；　who　will　hand　you　this；　is

authorized　to　receive　your　answer；　and；　if　agreeable　to　you；　to

enter　into　the　terms　of　such　arrangement。



Your　obedient　servant；



A。　LINCOLN。









Mr。　DOUGLAS　TO　Mr。　LINCOLN。



BEMENT；　　PIATT　Co。；　ILL。；　July　30；　1858。



Dear　Sir；Your　letter　dated　yesterday；　accepting　my　proposition

for　a　joint　discussion　at　one　prominent　point　in　each

Congressional　District；　as　stated　in　my　previous　letter；　was

received　this　morning。



The　times　and　places　designated　are　as　follows：



Ottawa；　La　Salle　County　　　　　August　　　　21st；　1858。

Freeport；　Stephenson　County　　　〃　　　　　　　27th；

Jonesboro；　Union　County；　September　15th；

Charleston；　Coles　County　　　　　　〃　　　　18th；

Galesburgh；　Knox　County　October　7th；

Quincy；　Adams　County　　　　　　　　〃　　13th；

Alton；　Madison　County　　　　　　　〃　　15th；



I　agree　to　your　suggestion　that　we　shall　alternately　open　and

close　the　discussion。　　I　will　speak　at　Ottawa　one　hour；　you　can

reply；　occupying　an　hour　and　a　half；　and　I　will　then　follow　for

half　an　hour。　　At　Freeport；　you　shall　open　the　discussion　and

speak　one　hour；　I　will　follow　for　an　hour　and　a　half；　and　you　can

then　reply　for　half　an　hour。　　We　will　alternate　in　like　manner　in

each　successive　place。