the writings-3-第12章

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this　purpose　and　expectation　shall　be　given　up。



He　charges；　in　substance；　that　I　invite　a　war　of　sections；　that　I

propose　all　the　local　institutions　of　the　different　States　shall

become　consolidated　and　uniform。　　What　is　there　in　the　language

of　that　speech　which　expresses　such　purpose　or　bears　such

construction？　　I　have　again　and　again　said　that　I　would　not　enter

into　any　of　the　States　to　disturb　the　institution　of　slavery。

Judge　Douglas　said；　at　Bloomington；　that　I　used　language　most

able　and　ingenious　for　concealing　what　I　really　meant；　and　that

while　I　had　protested　against　entering　into　the　slave　States；　I

nevertheless　did　mean　to　go　on　the　banks　of　the　Ohio　and　throw

missiles　into　Kentucky；　to　disturb　them　in　their　domestic

institutions。



I　said　in　that　speech；　and　I　meant　no　more；　that　the　institution

of　slavery　ought　to　be　placed　in　the　very　attitude　where　the

framers　of　this　government　placed　it　and　left　it。　　I　do　not

understand　that　the　framers　of　our　Constitution　left　the　people

of　the　free　States　in　the　attitude　of　firing　bombs　or　shells　into

the　slave　States。　　I　was　not　using　that　passage　for　the　purpose

for　which　he　infers　I　did　use　it。　　I　said：



〃We　are　now　far　advanced　into　the　fifth　year　since　a　policy　was

created　for　the　avowed　object　and　with　the　confident　promise　of

putting　an　end　to　slavery　agitation。　　Under　the　operation　of　that

policy　that　agitation　has　not　only　not　ceased；　but　has　constantly

augmented。　　In　my　opinion　it　will　not　cease　till　a　crisis　shall

have　been　reached　and　passed。　　'A　house　divided　against　itself

cannot　stand。'　I　believe　that　this　government　cannot　endure

permanently　half　slave　and　half　free；　it　will　become　all　one

thing　or　all　the　other。　　Either　the　opponents　of　slavery　will

arrest　the　further　spread　of　it；　and　place　it　where　the　public

mind　shall　rest　in　the　belief　that　it　is　in　the　course　of

ultimate　extinction；　or　its　advocates　will　push　it　forward　till

it　shall　become　alike　lawful　in　all　the　States；　old　as　well　as

new；　North　as　well　as　South。〃



Now；　you　all　see；　from　that　quotation；　I　did　not　express　my　wish

on　anything。　　In　that　passage　I　indicated　no　wish　or　purpose　of

my　own；　I　simply　expressed　my　expectation。　　Cannot　the　Judge

perceive　a　distinction　between　a　purpose　and　an　expectation？　　I

have　often　expressed　an　expectation　to　die；　but　I　have　never

expressed　a　wish　to　die。　　I　said　at　Chicago；　and　now　repeat；　that

I　am　quite　aware　this　government　has　endured；　half　slave　and　half

free；　for　eighty…two　years。　　I　understand　that　little　bit　of

history。　　I　expressed　the　opinion　I　did　because　I　perceivedor

thought　I　perceiveda　new　set　of　causes　introduced。　　I　did　say

at　Chicago；　in　my　speech　there；　that　I　do　wish　to　see　the　spread

of　slavery　arrested；　and　to　see　it　placed　where　the　public　mind

shall　rest　in　the　belief　that　it　is　in　the　course　of　ultimate

extinction。　　I　said　that　because　I　supposed；　when　the　public　mind

shall　rest　in　that　belief；　we　shall　have　peace　on　the　slavery

question。　　I　have　believedand　now　believethe　public　mind　did

rest　on　that　belief　up　to　the　introduction　of　the　Nebraska　Bill。



Although　I　have　ever　been　opposed　to　slavery；　so　far　I　rested　in

the　hope　and　belief　that　it　was　in　the　course　of　ultimate

extinction。　　For　that　reason　it　had　been　a　minor　question　with

me。　　I　might　have　been　mistaken；　but　I　had　believed；　and　now

believe；　that　the　whole　public　mind；　that　is；　the　mind　of　the

great　majority；　had　rested　in　that　belief　up　to　the　repeal　of　the

Missouri　Compromise。　　But　upon　that　event　I　became　convinced　that

either　I　had　been　resting　in　a　delusion；　or　the　institution　was

being　placed　on　a　new　basis；　a　basis　for　making　it　perpetual；

national；　and　universal。　　Subsequent　events　have　greatly

confirmed　me　in　that　belief。　　I　believe　that　bill　to　be　the

beginning　of　a　conspiracy　for　that　purpose。　　So　believing；　I　have

since　then　considered　that　question　a　paramount　one。　　So

believing；　I　thought　the　public　mind　will　never　rest　till　the

power　of　Congress　to　restrict　the　spread　of　it　shall　again　be

acknowledged　and　exercised　on　the　one　hand　or；　on　the　other；　all

resistance　be　entirely　crushed　out。　　I　have　expressed　that

opinion；　and　I　entertain　it　to…night。　　It　is　denied　that　there　is

any　tendency　to　the　nationalization　of　slavery　in　these　States。



Mr。　Brooks；　of　South　Carolina；　in　one　of　his　speeches；　when　they

were　presenting　him　canes；　silver　plate；　gold　pitchers；　and　the

like；　for　assaulting　Senator　Sumner；　distinctly　affirmed　his

opinion　that　when　this　Constitution　was　formed　it　was　the　belief

of　no　man　that　slavery　would　last　to　the　present　day。　　He　said；

what　I　think；　that　the　framers　of　our　Constitution　placed　the

institution　of　slavery　where　the　public　mind　rested　in　the　hope

that　it　was　in　the　course　of　ultimate　extinction。　　But　he　went　on

to　say　that　the　men　of　the　present　age；　by　their　experience；　have

become　wiser　than　the　framers　of　the　Constitution；　and　the

invention　of　the　cotton　gin　had　made　the　perpetuity　of　slavery　a

necessity　in　this　country。



As　another　piece　of　evidence　tending　to　this　same　point：　Quite

recently　in　Virginia；　a　manthe　owner　of　slavesmade　a　will

providing　that　after　his　death　certain　of　his　slaves　should　have

their　freedom　if　they　should　so　choose；　and　go　to　Liberia；　rather

than　remain　in　slavery。　　They　chose　to　be　liberated。　　But　the

persons　to　whom　they　would　descend　as　property　claimed　them　as

slaves。　　A　suit　was　instituted；　which　finally　came　to　the　Supreme

Court　of　Virginia；　and　was　therein　decided　against　the　slaves

upon　the　ground　that　a　negro　cannot　make　a　choice；　that　they　had

no　legal　power　to　choose；　could　not　perform　the　condition　upon

which　their　freedom　depended。



I　do　not　mention　this　with　any　purpose　of　criticizing　it；　but　to

connect　it　with　the　arguments　as　affording　additional　evidence　of

the　change　of　sentiment　upon　this　question　of　slavery　in　the

direction　of　making　it　perpetual　and　national。　　I　argue　now　as　I

did　before；　that　there　is　such　a　tendency；　and　I　am　backed；　not

merely　by　the　facts；　but　by　the　open　confession　in　the　slave

States。



And　now　as　to　the　Judge's　inference　that　because　I　wish　to　see

slavery　placed　in　the　course　of　ultimate　extinction；placed

where　our　fathers　originally　placed　it；I　wish　to　annihilate　the

State　Legislatures；　to　force　cotton　to　grow　upon　the　tops　of　the

Green　Mountains；　to　freeze　ice　in　Florida；　to　cut　lumber　on　the

broad　Illinois　prairie；that　I　am　in　favor　of　all　these

ridiculous　and　impossible　things。



It　seems　to　me　it　is　a　complete　answer　to　all　this　to　ask　if；

when　Congress　did　have　the　fashion　of　restricting　slavery　from

free　territory；　when　courts　did　have　the　fashion　of　deciding　that

taking　a　slave　into　a　free　country　made　him　free；I　say　it　is　a

sufficient　answer　to　ask　if　any　of　this　ridiculous　nonsense　about

consolidation　and　uniformity　did　actually　follow。　　Who　heard　of

any　such　thing　because　of　the　Ordinance　of　'87？　　because　of　the

Missouri　restriction？　　because　of　the　numerous　court　decisions　of

that　character？



Now；　as　to　the　Dred　Scott　decision；　for　upon　that　he　makes　his

last　point　at　me。　　He　boldly　takes　ground　in　favor　of　that

decision。



This　is　one　half　the　onslaught；　and　one　third　of　the　entire　plan

of　the　campaign。　　I　am　opposed　to　that　decision　in　a　certain

sense；　but　not　in　the　sense　which　he　puts　it。　　I　say　that　in　so

far　as　it　decided　in　favor　of　Dred　Scott's　master；　and　against

Dred　Scott　and　his　family；　I　do　not　propose　to　disturb　or　resist

the　decision。



I　never　have　proposed　to　do　any　such　thing。　　I　think　that　in

respect　for　judicial　authority　my　humble　history　would　not　suffer

in　comparison　with　that　of　Judge　Douglas。　　He　would　have　the

citizen　conform　his　vote　to　that　decision；　the　member　of

Congress；　his；　the　President；　his　use　of　the　veto　power。　　He

would　make　it　a　rule　of　political　action　for　the　people　and　all

the　depar