the writings-3-第1章
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The Writings of Abraham Lincoln
by Abraham Lincoln
VOLUME THREE
THE LINCOLN…DOUGLAS DEBATES I
POLITICAL SPEECHES & DEBATES of LINCOLN WITH DOUGLAS
In the Senatorial Campaign of 1858 in Illinois
SPEECH AT SPRINGFIELD; JUNE 17; 1858
'The following speech was delivered at Springfield; Ill。; at the
close of the Republican State Convention held at that time and
place; and by which Convention Mr。 LINCOLN had been named as
their candidate for United States Senator。 Mr。 DOUGLAS was not
present。'
Mr。 PRESIDENT AND GENTLEMEN OF THE CONVENTION:If we could first
know where we are; and whither we are tending; we could better
judge what to do; and how to do it。 We are now far into the
fifth year since a policy was initiated with the avowed object
and confident promise of putting an end to slavery agitation。
Under the operation of that policy; that agitation has not only
not ceased; but has constantly augmented。 In my opinion; it will
not cease until a crisis shall have been reached and passed。 〃A
house divided against itself cannot stand。〃 I believe this
government cannot endure permanently half slave and half free。
I do not expect the Union to be dissolved; I do not expect the
house to fall; but I do expect it will cease to be divided。 It
will become all one thing; or all the other。 Either the
opponents of slavery will arrest the further spread of it; and
place it where the public mind shall rest in the belief that it
is in the course of ultimate extinction; or its advocates will
push it forward till it shall become alike lawful in all the
States; old as well as new; North as well as South。
Have we no tendency to the latter condition?
Let any one who doubts; carefully contemplate that now almost
complete legal combination…piece of machinery; so to speak
compounded of the Nebraska doctrine and the Dred Scott decision。
Let him consider; not only what work the machinery is adapted to
do; and how well adapted; but also let him study the history of
its construction; and trace; if he can; or rather fail; if he
can; to trace the evidences of design; and concert of action;
among its chief architects; from the beginning。
The new year of 1854 found slavery excluded from more than half
the States by State Constitutions; and from most of the National
territory by Congressional prohibition。 Four days later;
commenced the struggle which ended in repealing that
Congressional prohibition。 This opened all the National
territory to slavery; and was the first point gained。
But; so far; Congress only had acted; and an indorsement by the
people; real or apparent; was indispensable to save the point
already gained; and give chance for more。
This necessity had not been overlooked; but had been provided
for; as well as might be; in the notable argument of 〃squatter
sovereignty;〃 otherwise called 〃sacred right of self…government;〃
which latter phrase; though expressive of the only rightful basis
of any government; was so perverted in this attempted use of it
as to amount to just this: That if any one man choose to enslave
another; no third man shall be allowed to object。 That argument
was incorporated into the Nebraska Bill itself; in the language
which follows:
〃It being the true intent and meaning of this Act not to
legislate slavery into any Territory or State; nor to exclude it
therefrom; but to leave the people thereof perfectly free to form
and regulate their domestic institutions in their own way;
subject only to the Constitution of the United States。〃
Then opened the roar of loose declamation in favor of 〃squatter
sovereignty;〃 and 〃sacred right of self…government。〃 〃But;〃 said
opposition members; 〃let us amend the bill so as to expressly
declare that the people of the Territory may exclude slavery。〃
〃Not we;〃 said the friends of the measure; and down they voted
the amendment。
While the Nebraska Bill was passing through Congress; a law case;
involving the question of a negro's freedom; by reason of his
owner having voluntarily taken him first into a free State; and
then into a territory covered by the Congressional Prohibition;
and held him as a slave for a long time in each; was passing
through the United States Circuit Court for the District of
Missouri; and both Nebraska Bill and lawsuit were brought to a
decision in the same month of May; 1854。 The negro's name was
〃Dred Scott;〃 which name now designates the decision finally made
in the case。 Before the then next Presidential election; the law
case came to; and was argued in; the Supreme Court of the United
States; but the decision of it was deferred until after the
election。 Still; before the election; Senator Trumbull; on the
floor of the Senate; requested the leading advocate of the
Nebraska Bill to state his opinion whether the people of a
territory can constitutionally exclude slavery from their limits;
and the latter answers: 〃That is a question for the Supreme
Court。〃
The election came。 Mr。 Buchanan was elected; and the
indorsement; such as it was; secured。 That was the second point
gained。 The indorsement; however; fell short of a clear popular
majority by nearly four hundred thousand votes;(approximately 10%
of the vote) and so; perhaps; was not overwhelmingly reliable and
satisfactory。 The outgoing President; in his last annual
message; as impressively as possible echoed back upon the people
the weight and authority of the indorsement。 The Supreme Court
met again; did not announce their decision; but ordered a
reargument。 The Presidential inauguration came; and still no
decision of the court; but the incoming President; in his
inaugural address; fervently exhorted the people to abide by the
forth…coming decision; whatever it might be。 Then; in a few
days; came the decision。
The reputed author of the Nebraska Bill finds an early occasion
to make a speech at this capital indorsing the Dred Scott
decision; and vehemently denouncing all opposition to it。 The
new President; too; seizes the early occasion of the Silliman
letter to indorse and strongly construe that decision; and to
express his astonishment that any different view had ever been
entertained!
At length a squabble springs up between the President and the
author of the Nebraska Bill; on the mere question of fact;
whether the Lecompton Constitution was or was not in any just
sense made by the people of Kansas; and in that quarrel the
latter declares that all he wants is a fair vote for the people;
and that he cares not whether slavery be voted down or voted up。
I do not understand his declaration; that he cares not whether
slavery be voted down or voted up; to be intended by him other
than as an apt definition of the policy he would impress upon the
public mind;the principle for which he declares he has suffered
so much; and is ready to suffer to the end。 And well may he
cling to that principle! If he has any parental feeling; well
may he cling to it。 That principle is the only shred left of his
original Nebraska doctrine。 Under the Dred Scott decision
〃squatter sovereignty〃 squatted out of existence; tumbled down
like temporary scaffolding; like the mould at the foundry; served
through one blast; and fell back into loose sand; helped to carry
an election; and then was kicked to the winds。 His late joint
struggle with the Republicans; against the Lecompton
Constitution; involves nothing of the original Nebraska doctrine。
That struggle was made on a pointthe right of a people to make
their own constitutionupon which he and the Republicans have
never differed。
The several points of the Dred Scott decision; in connection with
Senator Douglas's 〃care not〃 policy; constitute the piece of
machinery; in its present state of advancement。 This was the
third point gained。 The working points of that machinery are: