part12-第7章

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　　　　　　　　_Washington；　Jan。　13；　1803_




　　　　　　　　DEAR　SIR；　　I　dropped　you　a　line　on　the　10th　informing　you　of

a　nomination　I　had　made　of　you　to　the　Senate；　and　yesterday　I

enclosed　you　their　approbation　not　then　having　time　to　write。　　The

agitation　of　the　public　mind　on　occasion　of　the　late　suspension　of

our　right　of　deposit　at　N。　Orleans　is　extreme。　　In　the　western

country　it　is　natural　and　grounded　on　honest　motives。　　In　the

seaports　it　proceeds　from　a　desire　for　war　which　increases　the

mercantile　lottery；　in　the　federalists　generally　and　especially　those

of　Congress　the　object　is　to　force　us　into　war　if　possible；　in　order

to　derange　our　finances；　or　if　this　cannot　be　done；　to　attach　the

western　country　to　them；　as　their　best　friends；　and　thus　get　again

into　power。　　Remonstrances　memorials　&c。　are　now　circulating　through

the　whole　of　the　western　country　and　signing　by　the　body　of　the

people。　　The　measures　we　have　been　pursuing　being　invisible；　do　not

satisfy　their　minds。　　Something　sensible　therefore　was　become

necessary；　and　indeed　our　object　of　purchasing　N。　Orleans　and　the

Floridas　is　a　measure　liable　to　assume　so　many　shapes；　that　no

instructions　could　be　squared　to　fit　them；　it　was　essential　then　to

send　a　minister　extraordinary　to　be　joined　with　the　ordinary　one；

with　discretionary　powers；　first　however　well　impressed　with　all　our

views　and　therefore　qualified　to　meet　and　modify　to　these　every　form

of　proposition　which　could　come　from　the　other　party。　　This　could　be

done　only　in　full　and　frequent　oral　communications。　　Having

determined　on　this；　there　could　not　be　two　opinions　among　the

republicans　as　to　the　person。　　You　possess　the　unlimited　confidence

of　the　administration　and　of　the　western　people；　and　generally　of　the

republicans　everywhere；　and　were　you　to　refuse　to　go；　no　other　man

can　be　found　who　does　this。　　The　measure　has　already　silenced　the

Feds。　here。　　Congress　will　no　longer　be　agitated　by　them：　and　the

country　will　become　calm　as　fast　as　the　information　extends　over　it。

All　eyes；　all　hopes；　are　now　fixed　on　you；　and　were　you　to　decline；

the　chagrin　would　be　universal；　and　would　shake　under　your　feet　the

high　ground　on　which　you　stand　with　the　public。　　Indeed　I　know

nothing　which　would　produce　such　a　shock；　for　on　the　event　of　this

mission　depends　the　future　destinies　of　this　republic。　　If　we　cannot

by　a　purchase　of　the　country　insure　to　ourselves　a　course　of

perpetual　peace　and　friendship　with　all　nations；　then　as　war　cannot

be　distant；　it　behooves　us　immediately　to　be　preparing　for　that

course；　without；　however；　hastening　it；　and　it　may　be　necessary　（on

your　failure　on　the　continent）　to　cross　the　channel。




　　　　　　　　We　shall　get　entangled　in　European　politics；　and　figuring　more；

be　much　less　happy　and　prosperous。　　This　can　only　be　prevented　by　a

successful　issue　to　your　present　mission。　　I　am　sensible　after　the

measures　you　have　taken　for　getting　into　a　different　line　of

business；　that　it　will　be　a　great　sacrifice　on　your　part；　and

presents　from　the　season　and　other　circumstances　serious

difficulties。　　But　some　men　are　born　for　the　public。　　Nature　by

fitting　them　for　the　service　of　the　human　race　on　a　broad　scale；　has

stamped　with　the　evidences　of　her　destination　and　their　duty。




　　　　　　　　But　I　am　particularly　concerned　that　in　the　present　case　you

have　more　than　one　sacrifice　to　make。　　To　reform　the　prodigalities　of

our　predecessors　is　understood　to　be　peculiarly　our　duty；　and　to

bring　the　government　to　a　simple　and　economical　course。　　They；　in

order　to　increase　expense；　debt；　taxation；　and　patronage　tried　always

how　much　they　could　give。　　The　outfit　given　to　ministers　resident　to

enable　them　to　furnish　their　house；　but　given　by　no　nation　to　a

temporary　minister；　who　is　never　expected　to　take　a　house　or　to

entertain；　but　considered　on　a　footing　of　a　voyageur；　they　gave　to

their　extraordinary　missionaries　by　wholesale。　　In　the　beginning　of

our　administration；　among　other　articles　of　reformation　in　expense；

it　was　determined　not　to　give　an　outfit　to　missionaries

extraordinary；　and　not　to　incur　the　expense　with　any　minister　of

sending　a　frigate　to　carry　him　or　bring　him。　　The　Boston　happened　to

be　going　to　the　Mediterranean；　and　was　permitted　therefore　to　take　up

Mr。　Livingstone　and　touch　in　a　port　of　France。　　A　frigate　was　denied

to　Charles　Pinckney　and　has　been　refused　to　Mr。　King　for　his　return。

Mr。　Madison's　friendship　and　mine　to　you　being　so　well　known；　the

public　will　have　eagle　eyes　to　watch　if　we　grant　you　any　indulgencies

of　the　general　rule；　and　on　the　other　hand；　the　example　set　in　your

case　will　be　more　cogent　on　future　ones；　and　produce　greater

approbation　to　our　conduct。　　The　allowance　therefore　will　be　in　this

and　all　similar　cases；　all　the　expenses　of　your　journey　and　voiage；

taking　a　ship's　cabin　to　yourself；　9；000　D。　a　year　from　your　leaving

home　till　the　proceedings　of　your　mission　are　terminated；　and　then

the　quarter's　salary　for　the　expenses　of　the　return　as　prescribed　by

law。　　As　to　the　time　of　your　going　you　cannot　too　much　hasten　it；　as

the　moment　in　France　is　critical。　　St。　Domingo　delays　their　taking

possession　of　Louisiana；　and　they　are　in　the　last　distress　for　money

for　current　purposes。　　You　should　arrange　your　affairs　for　an　absence

of　a　year　at　least；　perhaps　for　a　long　one。　　It　will　be　necessary　for

you　to　stay　here　some　days　on　your　way　to　New　York。　　You　will　receive

here　what　advance　you　chuse。　　Accept　assurances　of　my　constant　and

affectionate　attachment。







　　　　　　　　CIVILIZATION　OF　THE　INDIANS




　　　　　　　　_To　Benjamin　Hawkins_

　　　　　　　　_Washington；　Feb。　18；　1803_

　

　　　　　　　　DEAR　SIR；　　Mr。　Hill's　return　to　you　offers　so　safe　a

conveyance　for　a　letter；　that　I　feel　irresistibly　disposed　to　write

one；　tho'　there　is　but　little　to　write　about。　　You　have　been　so　long

absent　from　this　part　of　the　world；　and　the　state　of　society　so

changed　in　that　time；　that　details　respecting　those　who　compose　it

are　no　longer　interesting　or　intelligible　to　you。　　One　source　of

great　change　in　social　intercourse　arose　while　you　were　with　us；　tho'

it's　effects　were　as　yet　scarcely　sensible　on　society　or　government。

I　mean　the　British　treaty；　which　produced　a　schism　that　went　on

widening　and　rankling　till　the　years　'98；　'99；　when　a　final

dissolution　of　all　bonds；　civil　&　social；　appeared　imminent。　　In　that

awful　crisis；　the　people　awaked　from　the　phrenzy　into　which　they　had

been　thrown；　began　to　return　to　their　sober　and　ancient　principles；　&

have　now　become　five…sixths　of　one　sentiment；　to　wit；　for　peace；

economy；　and　a　government　bottomed　on　popular　election　in　its

legislative　&　executive　branches。　　In　the　public　counsels　the　federal

party　hold　still　one…third。　　This；　however；　will　lessen；　but　not

exactly　to　the　standard　of　the　people；　because　it　will　be　forever

seen　that　of　bodies　of　men　even　elected　by　the　people；　there　will

always　be　a　greater　proportion　aristocratic　than　among　their

constituents。　　The　present　administration　had　a　task　imposed　on　it

which　was　unavoidable；　and　could　not　fail　to　exert　the　bitterest

hostility　in　those　opposed　to　it。　　The　preceding　administration　left

99。　out　of　every　hundred　in　public　offices　of　the　federal　sect。

Republicanism　had　been　the　mark　on　Cain　which　had　rendered　those　who

bore　it　exiles　from　all　portion　in　the　trusts　&　authorities　of　their

country。　　This　description　of　citizens　called　imperiously　&　justly

for　a　restoration　of　right。　　It　was　intended；　however；　to　have

yielded　to　this　in　so　moderate　a　degree　as　might　conciliate　those　who

had　obtained　exclusive　possession；　but　as　soon　as　they　were　touched；

they　endeavored　to　set　fire　to　the　four　corners　of　the　public　fabric；

and　obliged　us　to　deprive　of　the　influence　of　office　several　who　were

using　it　with　activity　and　vigilance　to　destroy　the　confidence　of　the

people　in　their　government；　and　thus　to　proceed　in　the　drudgery　of

removal　f