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On our western & southern frontiers; Spain holds an immense country;

the occupancy of which; however; is in the Indian natives; except a

few insulated spots possessed by Spanish subjects。  It is very

questionable; indeed; whether the Indians would sell? whether Spain

would be willing to receive these people? and nearly certain that she

would not alienate the sovereignty。  The same question to ourselves

would recur here also; as did in the first case: should we be willing

to have such a colony in contact with us?  However our present

interests may restrain us within our own limits; it is impossible not

to look forward to distant times; when our rapid multiplication will

expand itself beyond those limits; & cover the whole northern; if not

the southern continent; with a people speaking the same language;

governed in similar forms; & by similar laws; nor can we contemplate

with satisfaction either blot or mixture on that surface。  Spain;

France; and Portugal hold possessions on the southern continent; as

to which I am not well enough informed to say how far they might meet

our views。  But either there or in the northern continent; should the

constituted authorities of Virginia fix their attention; of

preference; I will have the dispositions of those powers sounded in

the first instance。




        The West Indies offer a more probable & practicable retreat for

them。  Inhabited already by a people of their own race & color;

climates congenial with their natural constitution; insulated from

the other descriptions of men; nature seems to have formed these

islands to become the receptacle of the blacks transplanted into this

hemisphere。  Whether we could obtain from the European sovereigns of

those islands leave to send thither the persons under consideration;

I cannot say; but I think it more probable than the former

propositions; because of their being already inhabited more or less

by the same race。  The most promising portion of them is the island

of St。 Domingo; where the blacks are established into a sovereignty

_de facto_; & have organized themselves under regular laws &

government。  I should conjecture that their present ruler might be

willing; on many considerations; to receive even that description

which would be exiled for acts deemed criminal by us; but

meritorious; perhaps; by him。  The possibility that these exiles

might stimulate & conduct vindicative or predatory descents on our

coasts; & facilitate concert with their brethren remaining here;

looks to a state of things between that island & us not probable on a

contemplation of our relative strength; and of the disproportion

daily growing; and it is overweighed by the humanity of the measures

proposed; & the advantages of disembarrassing ourselves of such

dangerous characters。  Africa would offer a last & undoubted resort;

if all others more desirable should fail us。  Whenever the

Legislature of Virginia shall have brought it's mind to a point; so

that I may know exactly what to propose to foreign authorities; I

will execute their wishes with fidelity & zeal。  I hope; however;

they will pardon me for suggesting a single question for their own

consideration。  When we contemplate the variety of countries & of

sovereigns towards which we may direct our views; the vast

revolutions & changes of circumstances which are now in a course of

progression; the possibilities that arrangements now to be made; with

a view to any particular plan; may; at no great distance of time; be

totally deranged by a change of sovereignty; of government; or of

other circumstances; it will be for the Legislature to consider

whether; after they shall have made all those general provisions

which may be fixed by legislative authority; it would be reposing too

much confidence in their Executive to leave the place of relegation

to be decided on by _them_。  They could accommodate their

arrangements to the actual state of things; in which countries or

powers may be found to exist at the day; and may prevent the effect

of the law from being defeated by intervening changes。  This;

however; is for them to decide。  Our duty will be to respect their

decision。







        LIMITS OF THE PRACTICABLE




        _To P。 S。 Dupont de Nemours_

        _Washington; Jan。 18; 1802_







        DEAR SIR;  It is rare I can indulge myself in the luxury of

philosophy。  Your letters give me a few of those delicious moments。

Placed as you are in a great commercial town; with little opportunity

of discovering the dispositions of the country portions of our

citizens; I do not wonder at your doubts whether they will generally

and sincerely concur in the sentiments and measures developed in my

message of the 7th Jany。  But from 40。 years of intimate conversation

with the agricultural inhabitants of my country; I can pronounce them

as different from those of the cities; as those of any two nations

known。  The sentiments of the former can in no degree be inferred

from those of the latter。  You have spoken a profound truth in these

words; 〃Il y a dans les etats unis un bon sens silencieux; un esprit

de justice froide; qui lorsqu'il est question d'emettre un _vote_

comme les bavardages de ceux qui font les habiles。〃  A plain country

farmer has written lately a pamphlet on our public affairs。  His

testimony of the sense of the country is the best which can be

produced of the justness of your observation。  His words are 〃The

tongue of man is not his whole body。  So; in this case; the noisy

part of the community was not all the body politic。  During the

career of fury and contention (in 1800) the sedate; grave part of the

people were still; hearing all; and judging for themselves; what

method to take; when the constitutional time of action should come;

the exercise of the right of suffrage。〃  The majority of the present

legislature are in unison with the agricultural part of our citizens;

and you will see that there is nothing in the message; to which they

do not accord。  Some things may perhaps be left undone from motives

of compromise for a time; and not to alarm by too sudden a

reformation; but with a view to be resumed at another time。  I am

perfectly satisfied the effect of the proceedings of this session of

congress will be to consolidate the great body of well meaning

citizens together; whether federal or republican; heretofore called。

I do not mean to include royalists or priests。  Their opposition is

immovable。  But they will be vox et preterea nihil; leaders without

followers。  I am satisfied that within one year from this time were

an election to take place between two candidates merely republican

and federal; where no personal opposition existed against either; the

federal candidate would not get the vote of a single elector in the

U。S。  I must here again appeal to the testimony of my farmer; who

says 〃The great body of the people are one in sentiment。  If the

federal party and the republican party; should each of them choose a

convention to frame a constitution of government or a code of laws;

there would be no radical difference in the results of the two

conventions。〃  This is most true。  The body of our people; tho'

divided for a short time by an artificial panic; and called by

different names; have ever had the same object in view; to wit; the

maintenance of a federal; republican government; and have never

ceased to be all federalists; all republicans: still excepting the

noisy band of royalists inhabiting cities chiefly; and priests both

of city and country。  When I say that in an election between a

republican and federal candidate; free from personal objection; the

former would probably get every vote; I must not be understood as

placing myself in that view。  It was my destiny to come to the

government when it had for several years been committed to a

particular political sect; to the absolute and entire exclusion of

those who were in sentiment w

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