part12-第2章

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nations　of　Europe　generally；　the　same　principle；　and　the　doing　away

contraband　of　war；　were　enjoined；　and　were　acceded　to　in　the　treaty

signed　with　Portugal。　　In　the　late　treaty　with　England；　indeed；　that

power　perseveringly　refused　the　principle　of　free　bottoms；　free

goods；　and　it　was　avoided　in　the　late　treaty　with　Prussia；　at　the

instance　of　our　then　administration；　lest　it　should　seem　to　take　side

in　a　question　then　threatening　decision　by　the　sword。　　At　the

commencement　of　the　war　between　France　&　England；　the　representative

of　the　French　republic　then　residing　in　the　U　S；　complaining　that　the

British　armed　ships　captured　French　property　in　American　bottoms；

insisted　that　the　principle　of　〃free　bottoms；　free　goods；〃　was　of　the

acknowledged　law　of　nations；　that　the　violation　of　that　principle　by

the　British　was　a　wrong　committed　on　us；　and　such　an　one　as　we　ought

to　repel　by　joining　in　a　war　against　that　country。　　We　denied　his

position；　and　appealed　to　the　universal　practice　of　Europe；　in　proof

that　the　principle　of　〃free　bottoms；　free　goods；〃　was　not

acknowledged　as　of　the　natural　law　of　nations；　but　only　of　it's

conventional　law。　　And　I　believe　we　may　safely　affirm；　that　not　a

single　instance　can　be　produced　where　any　nation　of　Europe；　acting

professedly　under　the　law　of　nations　alone；　unrestrained　by　treaty；

has；　either　by　it's　executive　or　judiciary　organs；　decided　on　the

principle　of　〃free　bottoms；　free　goods。〃　Judging　of　the　law　of

nations　by　what　has　been　_practised_　among　nations；　we　were

authorized　to　say　that　the　contrary　principle　was　their　rule；　and

this　but　an　exception　to　it；　introduced　by　special　treaties　in

special　cases　only；　that　having　no　treaty　with　England　substituting

this　instead　of　the　ordinary　rule；　we　had　neither　the　right　nor　the

disposition　to　go　to　war　for　it's　establishment。　　But　though　we　would

not　then；　nor　will　we　now；　engage　in　war　to　establish　this　principle；

we　are　nevertheless　sincerely　friendly　to　it。　　We　think　that　the

nations　of　Europe　have　originally　set　out　in　error；　that　experience

has　proved　the　error　oppressive　to　the　rights　and　interests　of　the

peaceable　part　of　mankind；　that　every　nation　but　one　has　acknoleged

this；　by　consenting　to　the　change；　&　that　one　has　consented　in

particular　cases；　that　nations　have　a　right　to　correct　an　erroneous

principle；　&　to　establish　that　which　is　right　as　their　rule　of

action；　and　if　they　should　adopt　measures　for　effecting　this　in　a

peaceable　way；　we　shall　wish　them　success；　and　not　stand　in　their　way

to　it。　　But　should　it　become；　at　any　time；　expedient　for　us　to

co…operate　in　the　establishment　of　this　principle；　the　opinion　of　the

executive；　on　the　advice　of　it's　constitutional　counsellors；　must

then　be　given；　&　that　of　the　legislature；　an　independent　&　essential

organ　in　the　operation；　must　also　be　expressed；　in　forming　which；

they　will　be　governed；　every　man　by　his　own　judgment；　and　may；　very

possibly；　judge　differently　from　the　executive。　　With　the　same　honest

views；　the　most　honest　men　often　form　different　conclusions。　　As　far；

however；　as　we　can　judge；　the　principle　of　〃free　bottoms；　free

goods；〃　is　that　which　would　carry　the　wishes　of　our　nation。




　　　　　　　　Wishing　you　smooth　seas　and　prosperous　gales；　with　the

enjoyment　of　good　health；　I　tender　you　the　assurances　of　my　constant

friendship　&　high　consideration　and　respect。







　　　　　　　　INTERCHANGEABLE　PARTS




　　　　　　　　_To　James　Monroe_

　　　　　　　　_Washington；　Nov。　14；　1801_




　　　　　　　　DEAR　SIR；　　The　bearer　hereof　is　Mr。　Whitney　at　Connecticut　a

mechanic　of　the　first　order　of　ingenuity；　who　invented　the　cotton　gin

now　so　much　used　in　the　South；　he　is　at　the　head　of　a　considerable

gun　manufactory　in　Connecticut；　and　furnishes　the　U。S。　with　muskets

undoubtedly　the　best　they　receive。　　He　has　invented　molds　and

machines　for　making　all　the　pieces　of　his　locks　so　exactly　equal；

that　take　100　locks　to　pieces　and　mingle　their　parts　and　the　hundred

locks　may　be　put　together　as　well　by　taking　the　first　pieces　which

come　to　hand。　　This　is　of　importance　in　repairing；　because　out　of　10

locks　e。g。　disabled　for　the　want　of　different　pieces；　9　good　locks

may　be　put　together　without　employing　a　smith。　　Leblanc　in　France　had

invented　a　similar　process　in　1788　and　had　extended　it　to　the　barrel；

mounting　&　stock。　　I　endeavored　to　get　the　U。S。　to　bring　him　over；

which　he　was　ready　for　on　moderate　terms。　　I　failed　and　I　do　not　know

what　became　of　him。　　Mr。　Whitney　has　not　yet　extended　his

improvements　beyond　the　lock。　　I　think　it　possible　he　might　be

engaged　in　our　manufactory　of　Richmd。　tho'　I　have　not　asked　him　the

question。　　I　know　nothing　of　his　moral　character。　　He　is　now　on　his

way　to　S。　Carola。　on　the　subject　of　his　gin。　　Health　&　happiness　cum

caeteris　votis。







　　　　　　　　AFRICAN　COLONIZATION




　　　　　　　　_To　the　Governor　of　Virginia_

　　　　　　　　（JAMES　MONROE）

　　　　　　　　_Washington；　Nov。　24；　1801_




　　　　　　　　DEAR　SIR；　　I　had　not　been　unmindful　of　your　letter　of　June

15；　covering　a　resolution　of　the　House　of　Representatives　of

Virginia；　and　referred　to　in　yours　of　the　17th　inst。　　The　importance

of　the　subject；　and　the　belief　that　it　gave　us　time　for　consideration

till　the　next　meeting　of　the　Legislature；　have　induced　me　to　defer

the　answer　to　this　date。　　You　will　perceive　that　some　circumstances

connected　with　the　subject；　&　necessarily　presenting　themselves　to

view；　would　be　improper　but　for　yours'　&　the　legislative　ear。　　Their

publication　might　have　an　ill　effect　in　more　than　one　quarter。　　In

confidence　of　attention　to　this；　I　shall　indulge　greater　freedom　in

writing。




　　　　　　　　Common　malefactors；　I　presume；　make　no　part　of　the　object　of

that　resolution。　　Neither　their　numbers；　nor　the　nature　of　their

offences；　seem　to　require　any　provisions　beyond　those　practised

heretofore；　&　found　adequate　to　the　repression　of　ordinary　crimes。

Conspiracy；　insurgency；　treason；　rebellion；　among　that　description　of

persons　who　brought　on　us　the　alarm；　and　on　themselves　the　tragedy；

of　1800；　were　doubtless　within　the　view　of　every　one；　but　many

perhaps　contemplated；　and　one　expression　of　the　resolution　might

comprehend；　a　much　larger　scope。　　Respect　to　both　opinions　makes　it

my　duty　to　understand　the　resolution　in　all　the　extent　of　which　it　is

susceptible。




　

　　　　　　　　The　idea　seems　to　be　to　provide　for　these　people　by　a　purchase

of　lands；　and　it　is　asked　whether　such　a　purchase　can　be　made　of　the

U　S　in　their　western　territory？　　A　very　great　extent　of　country；

north　of　the　Ohio；　has　been　laid　off　into　townships；　and　is　now　at

market；　according　to　the　provisions　of　the　acts　of　Congress；　with

which　you　are　acquainted。　　There　is　nothing　which　would　restrain　the

State　of　Virginia　either　in　the　purchase　or　the　application　of　these

lands；　but　a　purchase；　by　the　acre；　might　perhaps　be　a　more　expensive

provision　than　the　H　of　Representatives　contemplated。　　Questions

would　also　arise　whether　the　establishment　of　such　a　colony　within

our　limits；　and　to　become　a　part　of　our　union；　would　be　desirable　to

the　State　of　Virginia　itself；　or　to　the　other　States　…　especially

those　who　would　be　in　its　vicinity？




　　　　　　　　Could　we　procure　lands　beyond　the　limits　of　the　U　S　to　form　a

receptacle　for　these　people？　　On　our　northern　boundary；　the　country

not　occupied　by　British　subjects；　is　the　property　of　Indian　nations；

whose　title　would　be　to　be　extinguished；　with　the　consent　of　Great

Britain；　&　the　new　settlers　would　be　British　subjects。　　It　is　hardly

to　be　believed　that　either　Great　Britain　or　the　Indian　proprietors

have　so　disinterested　a　regard　for　us；　as　to　be　willing　to　relieve

us；　by　receiving　such　a　colony　themselves；　and　as　much　to　be　doubted

whether　that　race　of　men　could　long　exist　in　so　rigorous　a　climate。

On　our　western　&　southern　frontiers；　Spain　holds　an　immense　country；

the　occupancy　of　which；　however；　is　in　the　Indian　natives；　except