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第77章

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laid before you。



Under and by virtue of the act of Congress entitled 〃An act to

confiscate property used for insurrectionary purposes;〃 approved

August 6; 1861; the legal claims of certain persons to the labor and

service of certain other persons have become forfeited; and numbers

of the latter thus liberated are already dependent on the United

States; and must be provided for in some way。  Besides this; it is

not impossible that some of the States will pass similar enactments

for their own benefit respectively; and by operation of which persons

of the same class will be thrown upon them for disposal。  In such

case I recommend that Congress provide for accepting such persons

from such States; according to some mode of valuation; in lieu; pro

tanto; of direct taxes; or upon some other plan to be agreed on with

such States respectively; that such persons; on such acceptance by

the General Government; be at once deemed free; and that in any event

steps be taken for colonizing both classes (or the one first

mentioned if the other shall not be brought into existence) at some

place or places in a climate congenial to them。  It might be well to

consider; too; whether the free colored people already in the United

States could not; so far as individuals may desire; be included in

such colonization。



To carry out the plan of colonization may involve the acquiring of

territory; and also the appropriation of money beyond that to be

expended in the territorial acquisition。  Having practised the

acquisition of territory for nearly sixty years; the question of

constitutional power to do so is no longer an open one with us。  The

power was questioned at first by Mr。 Jefferson; who; however; in the

purchase of Louisiana; yielded his scruples on the plea of great

expediency。  If it be said that the only legitimate object of

acquiring territory is to furnish homes for white men; this measure

effects that object; for emigration of colored men leaves additional

room for white men remaining or coming here。  Mr。 Jefferson; however;

placed the importance of procuring Louisiana more on political and

commercial grounds than on providing room for population。



On this whole proposition; including the appropriation of money with

the acquisition of territory; does not the expediency amount to

absolute necessitythat without which the government itself cannot

be perpetuated?



The war continues。  In considering the policy to be adopted for

suppressing the insurrection I have been anxious and careful that the

inevitable conflict for this purpose shall not degenerate into a

violent and remorseless revolutionary struggle。  I have therefore in

every case thought it proper to keep the integrity of the Union

prominent as the primary object of the contest on our part; leaving

all questions which are not of vital military importance to the more

deliberate action of the Legislature。



In the exercise of my best discretion I have adhered to the blockade

of the ports held by the insurgents; instead of putting in force by

proclamation the law of Congress enacted at the late session for

closing those ports。



So also; obeying the dictates of prudence; as well as the obligations

of law; instead of transcending I have adhered to the act of Congress

to confiscate property used for insurrectionary purposes。  If a new

law upon the same subject shall be proposed; its propriety will be

duly considered。  The Union must be preserved; and hence all

indispensable means must be employed。  We should not be in haste to

determine that radical and extreme measures; which may reach the

loyal as well as the disloyal; are indispensable。



The inaugural address at the beginning of the Administration and the

message to Congress at the late special session were both mainly

devoted to topics domestic controversy out of which the insurrection

and consequent war have sprung。  Nothing now occurs to add or

subtract to or from the principles or general purposes stated and

expressed in those documents。



The last ray of hope for preserving the Union peaceably expired at

the assault upon Fort Sumter; and a general review of what has

occurred since may not be unprofitable。  What was painfully uncertain

then is much better defined and more distinct now; and the progress

of events is plainly in the right direction。  The insurgents

confidently claimed a strong support from north of Mason and Dixon's

line; and the friends of the Union were not free from apprehension on

the point。  This; however; was soon settled definitely; and on the

right side。  South of the line noble little Delaware led off right

from the first。  Maryland was made to seem against the Union。  Our

soldiers were assaulted; bridges were burned; and railroads torn up

within her limits; and we were many days at one time without the

ability to bring a single regiment over her soil to the capital。  Now

her bridges and railroads are repaired and open to the government;

she already gives seven regiments to the cause of the Union; and none

to the enemy; and her people; at a regular election; have sustained

the Union by a larger majority and a larger aggregate vote than they

ever before gave to any candidate or any question。  Kentucky; too;

for some time in doubt; is now decidedly and; I think; unchangeably

ranged on the side of the Union。  Missouri is comparatively quiet;

and; I believe; can; not again be overrun by the insurrectionists。

These three States of Maryland; Kentucky; and Missouri; neither of

which would promise a single soldier at first; have now an aggregate

of not less than forty thousand in the field for the Union; while of

their citizens certainly not more than a third of that number; and

they of doubtful whereabouts and doubtful existence; are in arms

against us。  After a somewhat bloody struggle of months; winter

closes on the Union people of western Virginia; leaving them masters

of their own country。



An insurgent force of about fifteen hundred; for months dominating

the narrow peninsular region constituting the counties of Accomac and

Northampton; and known as Eastern Shore of Virginia; together with

some contiguous parts of Maryland; have laid down their arms; and the

people there have renewed their allegiance to and accepted the

protection of the old flag。  This leaves no armed insurrectionist

north of the Potomac or east of the Chesapeake。



Also we have obtained a footing at each of the isolated points on the

southern coast of Hatteras; Port Royal; Tybee Island (near Savannah);

and Ship Island; and we likewise have some general accounts of

popular movements in behalf of the Union in North Carolina and

Tennessee。



These things demonstrate that the cause of the Union is advancing

steadily and certainly southward。



Since your last adjournment Lieutenant…General Scott has retired from

the head of the army。  During his long life the nation has not been

unmindful of his merit; yet on calling to mind how faithfully; ably;

and brilliantly he has served the country; from a time far back in

our history; when few of the now living had been born; and

thenceforward continually; I cannot but think we are still his

debtors。  I submit; therefore; for your consideration what further

mark of recognition is due to him; and to ourselves as a grateful

people。



With the retirement of General Scott came the Executive duty of

appointing in his stead a general…in…chief of the army。  It is a

fortunate circumstance that neither in council nor country was there;

so far as I know; any difference of opinion as to the proper person

to be selected。  The retiring chief repeatedly expressed his judgment

in favor of General McClellan for the position; and in this the

nation seemed to give a unanimous concurrence。  The designation of

General McClellan is therefore in considerable degree the selection

of the country as well as of the Executive; and hence there is be

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