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use them; but when the need is past; it is not for him to fix their

permanent future condition。   That must be settled according to laws

made by law…makers; and not by military proclamations。  The

proclamation in the point in question is simply 〃dictatorship。〃 It

assumes that the general may do anything he pleases confiscate the

lands and free the slaves of loyal people; as well as of disloyal

ones。  And going the whole figure; I have no doubt; would be more

popular with some thoughtless people than that which has been done;

But I cannot assume this reckless position; nor allow others to

assume it on my responsibility。



You speak of it as being the only means of saving the government。  On

the contrary; it is itself the surrender of the government。  Can it

be pretended that it is any longer the Government of the United

Statesany government of constitution and laws wherein a general or

a president may make permanent rules of property by proclamation? I

do not say Congress might not with propriety pass a law on the point;

just such as General Fremont proclaimed。



I do not say I might not; as a member of Congress; vote for it。  What

I object to is; that I; as President; shall expressly or impliedly

seize and exercise the permanent legislative functions of the

government。



So much as to principle。  Now as to policy。  No doubt the thing was

popular in some quarters; and would have been more so if it had been

a general declaration of emancipation。  The Kentucky Legislature

would not budge till that proclamation was modified; and General

Anderson telegraphed me that on the news of General Fremont having

actually issued deeds of manumission; a whole company of our

volunteers threw down their arms and disbanded。  I was so assured as

to think it probable that the very arms we had furnished Kentucky

would be turned against us。  I think to lose Kentucky is nearly the

same as to lose the whole game。  Kentucky gone; we cannot hold

Missouri; nor; as I think; Maryland。  These all against us; and the

job on our hands is too large for us。  We would as well consent to

separation at once; including the surrender of this Capital。  On the

contrary; if you will give up your restlessness for new positions;

and back me manfully on the grounds upon which you and other kind

friends gave me the election and have approved in my public

documents; we shall go through triumphantly。  You must not understand

I took my course on the proclamation because of Kentucky。  I took the

same ground in a private letter to General Fremont before I heard

from Kentucky。



You think I am inconsistent because I did not also forbid General

Fremont to shoot men under the proclamation。  I understand that part

to be within military law; but I also think; and so privately wrote

General Fremont; that it is impolitic in this; that our adversaries

have the power; and will certainly exercise it; to shoot as many of

our men as we shoot of theirs。   I did not say this in the public

letter; because it is a subject I prefer not to discuss in the

hearing of our enemies。



There has been no thought of removing General Fremont on any ground

connected with his proclamation; and if there has been any wish for

his removal on any ground; our mutual friend Sam。  Glover can

probably tell you what it was。  I hope no real necessity for it

exists on any ground。



Your friend; as ever;



A。 LINCOLN









MEMORANDUM FOR A PLAN OF CAMPAIGN

'OCTOBER 1?' 1861



On or about the 5th of October (the exact date to be determined

hereafter) I wish a movement made to seize and hold a point on the

railroad connecting Virginia and Tennessee near the mountain…pass

called Cumberland Gap。  That point is now guarded against us by

Zollicoffer; with 6000 or 8000 rebels at Barboursville Ky。;say

twenty…five miles from the Gap; toward Lexington。   We have a force

of 5000 or 6000 under General Thomas; at Camp Dick Robinson; about

twenty…five miles from Lexington and seventy…five from Zollicoffer's

camp; On the road between the two。  There is not a railroad anywhere

between Lexington and the point to be seized; and along the whole

length of which the Union sentiment among the people largely

predominates。  We have military possession of the railroad from

Cincinnati to Lexington; and from Louisville to Lexington; and some

home guards; under General Crittenden; are on the latter line。   We

have possession of the railroad from Louisville to Nashville; Tenn。;

so far as Muldraugh's Hill; about forty miles; and the rebels have

possession of that road all south of there。  At the Hill we have a

force of 8000; under General Sherman; and about an equal force of

rebels is a very short distance south; under General Buckner。



We have a large force at Paducah; and a smaller at Port Holt; both on

the Kentucky side; with some at Bird's Point; Cairo; Mound City;

Evansville; and New Albany; all on the other side; and all which;

with the gunboats on the river; are perhaps sufficient to guard the

Ohio from Louisville to its mouth。



About supplies of troops; my general idea is that all from Wisconsin;

Minnesota; Iowa; Illinois; Missouri; and Kansas; not now elsewhere;

be left to Fremont。  All from Indiana and Michigan; not now

elsewhere; be sent to Anderson at Louisville。  All from Ohio needed

in western Virginia be sent there; and any remainder be sent to

Mitchell at Cincinnati; for Anderson。  All east of the mountains be

appropriated to McClellan and to the coast。



As to movements; my idea is that the one for the coast and that on

Cumberland Gap be simultaneous; and that in the meantime preparation;

vigilant watching; and the defensive only be acted upon; this;

however; not to apply to Fremont's operations in northern and middle

Missouri。  That before these movements Thomas and Sherman shall

respectively watch but not attack Zollicoffer and Buckner。  That when

the coast and Gap movements shall be ready Sherman is merely to stand

fast; while all at Cincinnati and all at Louisville; with all on the

line; concentrate rapidly at Lexington; and thence to Thomas's camp;

joining him; and the whole thence upon the Gap。  It is for the

military men to decide whether they can find a pass through the

mountains at or near the Gap which cannot be defended by the enemy

with a greatly inferior force; and what is to be done in regard to

this。



The coast and Gap movements made; Generals McClellan and Fremont; in

their respective departments; will avail themselves of any advantages

the diversions may present。



'He was entirely unable to get this started; Sherman would have taken

an active part if given him; the others were too busy getting lines

of communication guardedand discovering many 〃critical〃 supply

items that had not been sent them。   Also the commanding general did

not like it。   D。W。'









TO THE SECRETARY OF STATE。

EXECUTIVE MANSION; October 4; 1861



HONORABLE SECRETARY OF STATE。



DEAR SIR:Please see Mr。 Walker; well vouched as a Union man and

son…in…law of Governor Morehead; and pleading for his release。  I

understand the Kentucky arrests were not made by special direction

from here; and I am willing if you are that any of the parties may be

released when James Guthrie and James Speed think they should be。



Yours truly;

A。 LINCOLN。









TO THE VICEROY OF EGYPT。



WASHINGTON; October 11; 1861。



GREAT AND GOOD FRIEND:I have received from Mr。 Thayer; Consul…

General of the United States at Alexandria; a full account of the

liberal; enlightened; and energetic proceedings which; on his

complaint; you have adopted in bringing to speedy and condign

punishment the parties; subjects of your Highness in Upper Egypt; who

were concerned in an act of criminal persecution against Faris; an

agent of certain Christian missionaries in Upper Egypt。  I pray your

Highness to be assured that these proceedings; at onc

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