the writings-5-第36章

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you　are　unanimous　in　rejecting　and　denouncing　the　old　policy　of　the

fathers。　　Some　of　you　are　for　reviving　the　foreign　slave…trade；　some

for　a　congressional　slave　code　for　the　Territories；　some　for　Congress

forbidding　the　Territories　to　prohibit　slavery　within　their　limits；

some　for　maintaining　slavery　in　the　Territories　through　the

judiciary；　some　for　the　〃gur…reat　pur…rinciple〃　that　if　one　man　would

enslave　another；　no　third　man　should　objectfantastically　called

〃popular　sovereignty。〃　But　never　a　man　among　you　in　favor　of

prohibition　of　slavery　in　Federal　Territories；　according　to　the

practice　of　our　fathers　who　framed　the　Government　under　which　we

live。　　Not　one　of　all　your　various　plans　can　show　a　precedent　or　an

advocate　in　the　century　within　which　our　Government　originated。　　　And

yet　you　draw　yourselves　up　and　say；　〃We　are　eminently　conservative。〃



It　is　exceedingly　desirable　that　all　parts　of　this　great　confederacy

shall　be　at　peace；　and　in　harmony　one　with　another。　　Let　us

Republicans　do　our　part　to　have　it　so。　　Even　though　much　provoked；

let　us　do　nothing　through　passion　and　ill…temper。　　Even　though　the

Southern　people　will　not　so　much　as　listen　to　us；　let　us　calmly

consider　their　demands；　and　yield　to　them　if；　in　our　deliberate　view

of　our　duty；　we　possibly　can。　　Judging　by　all　they　say　and　do；　and　by

the　subject　and　nature　of　their　controversy　with　us；　let　us

determine；　if　we　can；　what　will　satisfy　them。



Will　they　be　satisfied　if　the　Territories　be　unconditionally

surrendered　to　them？　We　know　they　will　not。　　In　all　their　present

complaints　against　us；　the　Territories　are　scarcely　mentioned。

Invasions　and　insurrections　are　the　rage　now。　　Will　it　satisfy　them；

in　the　future；　if　we　have　nothing　to　do　with　invasions　and

insurrections？　We　know　it　will　not。　　We　so　know　because　we　know　we

never　had　anything　to　do　with　invasions　and　insurrections；　and　yet

this　total　abstaining　does　not　exempt　us　from　the　charge　and　the

denunciation。



The　question　recurs；　what　will　satisfy　them？　Simply　this：　we　must　not

only　let　them　alone；　but　we　must；　somehow；　convince　them　that　we　do

let　them　alone。　　This；　we　know　by　experience；　is　no　easy　task。　　We

have　been　so　trying　to　convince　them；　from　the　very　beginning　of　our

organization；　but　with　no　success。　　In　all　our　platforms　and

speeches；　we　have　constantly　protested　our　purpose　to　let　them　alone；

but　this　had　no　tendency　to　convince　them。　　Alike　unavailing　to

convince　them　is　the　fact　that　they　have　never　detected　a　man　of　us

in　any　attempt　to　disturb　them。



These　natural　and　apparently　adequate　means　all　failing；　what　will

convince　them？　This；　and　this　only：　cease　to　call　slavery　wrong；　and

join　them　in　calling　it　right。　　And　this　must　be　done　thoroughly

done　in　acts　as　well　as　in　words。　　Silence　will　not　be　toleratedwe

must　place　ourselves　avowedly　with　them。　　Douglas's　new　sedition　law

must　be　enacted　and　enforced；　suppressing　all　declarations　that

slavery　is　wrong；　whether　made　in　politics；　in　presses；　in　pulpits；

or　in　private。　　　We　must　arrest　and　return　their　fugitive　slaves　with

greedy　pleasure。　　We　must　pull　down　our　free　State　constitutions。

The　whole　atmosphere　must　be　disinfected　of　all　taint　of　opposition

to　slavery；　before　they　will　cease　to　believe　that　all　their　troubles

proceed　from　us。　　So　long　as　we　call　slavery　wrong；　whenever　a　slave

runs　away　they　will　overlook　the　obvious　fact　that　be　ran　away

because　he　was　oppressed；　and　declare　he　was　stolen　off。　　Whenever　a

master　cuts　his　slaves　with　a　lash；　and　they　cry　out　under　it；　he

will　overlook　the　obvious　fact　that　the　negroes　cry　out　because　they

are　hurt；　and　insist　that　they　were　put　up　to　it　by　some　rascally

abolitionist。



I　am　quite　aware　that　they　do　not　state　their　case　precisely　in　this

way。　　Most　of　them　would　probably　say　to　us；　〃Let　us　alone；　do

nothing　to　us；　and　say　what　you　please　about　slavery。〃　But　we　do　let

them　alonehave　never　disturbed　themso　that；　after　all；　it　is　what

we　say　which　dissatisfies　them。　　They　will　continue　to　accuse　us　of

doing；　until　we　cease　saying。



I　am　also　aware　that　they　have　not　as　yet　in　terms　demanded　the

overthrow　of　our　free…State　constitutions。　　Yet　those　constitutions

declare　the　wrong　of　slavery　with　more　solemn　emphasis　than　do　all

other　sayings　against　it；　and　when　all　these　other　sayings　shall　have

been　silenced；　the　overthrow　of　these　constitutions　will　be　demanded。

It　is　nothing　to　the　contrary　that　they　do　not　demand　the　whole　of

this　just　now。　　Demanding　what　they　do；　and　for　the　reason　they　do；

they　can　voluntarily　stop　nowhere　short　of　this　consummation。

Holding　as　they　do　that　slavery　is　morally　right；　and　socially

elevating；　they　cannot　cease　to　demand　a　full　national　recognition　of

it；　as　a　legal　right；　and　a　social　blessing。



Nor　can　we　justifiably　withhold　this　on　any　ground　save　our

conviction　that　slavery　is　wrong。　　If　slavery　is　right；　all　words；

acts；　laws；　and　constitutions　against　it　are　themselves　wrong　and

should　be　silenced　and　swept　away。　　If　it　is　right；　we　cannot　justly

object　to　its　nationalityits　universality：　if　it　is　wrong；　they

cannot　justly　insist　upon　its　extensionits　enlargement。　　All　they

ask；　we　could　readily　grant；　if　we　thought　slavery　right；　all　we　ask；

they　could　as　readily　grant；　if　they　thought　it　wrong。　　Their

thinking　it　right　and　our　thinking　it　wrong　is　the　precise　fact　on

which　depends　the　whole　controversy。　　Thinking　it　right　as　they　do；

they　are　not　to　blame　for　desiring　its　full　recognition；　as　being

right；　but；　thinking　it　wrong；　as　we　do；　can　we　yield　to　them？　Can　we

cast　our　votes　with　their　view；　and　against　our　own？　In　view　of　our

moral；　social；　and　political　responsibilities；　can　we　do　this？



Wrong　as　we　think　slavery　is；　we　can　yet　afford　to　let　it　alone　where

it　is　because　that　much　is　due　to　the　necessity　arising　from　its

actual　presence　m　the　nation；　but　can　we；　while　our　votes　will

prevent　it；　allow　it　to　spread　into　the　national　Territories；　and　to

overrun　us　here　in　these　free　States？



If　our　sense　of　duty　forbids　this；　then　let　us　stand　by　our　duty；

fearlessly　and　effectively。　　Let　us　be　diverted　by　none　of　those

sophistical　contrivances　wherewith　we　are　so　industriously　plied　and

belaboredcontrivances　such　as　groping　for　some　middle　ground

between　the　right　and　the　wrong；　vain　as　the　search　for　a　man　who

would　be　neither　a　living　man　nor　a　dead　mansuch　as　a　policy　of

〃don't　care〃　on　a　question　about　which　all　free　men　do　caresuch　as

Union　appeals　beseeching　true　Union　men　to　yield　to　Disunionists；

reversing　the　divine　rule；　and　caning；　not　the　sinners；　but　the

righteous　to　repentancesuch　as　invocations　of　Washington；　imploring

men　to　unsay　what　Washington　did。



Neither　let　us　be　slandered　from　our　duty　by　false　accusations

against　us；　nor　frightened　from　it　by　menaces　of　destruction　to　the

Government；　nor　of　dungeons　to　ourselves。　　Let　us　have　faith　that

right　makes　might；　and　in　that　faith；　let　us；　to　the　end；　dare　to　do

our　duty　as　we　understand　it。



＇As　Mr。　Lincoln　concluded　his　address；　there　was　witnessed　the

wildest　scene　of　enthusiasm　and　excitement　that　has　been　in　New　Haven

for　years。　　The　Palladium　editorially　says：　〃We　give　up　most　of　our

space　to…day　to　a　very　full　report　of　the　eloquent　speech　of　the　HON。

Abraham　Lincoln；　of　Illinois；　delivered　last　night　at　Union　Hall。〃＇









RESPONSE　TO　AN　ELECTOR'S　REQUEST　FOR　MONEY



TO　________________

March　16；　1860



As　to　your　kind　wishes　for　myself；　allow　me　to　say　I　cannot　enter　the

ring　on　the　money　basisfirst；　because　in　the　main　it　is　wrong；　and

secondly；　I　have　not　and　cannot　get　the　money。



I　say；　in　the　main；　the　use　of　money　is　wrong；　but　for　certain

objects　in　a　political　contest；　the　use　of　some　is　both　right　and

indispensable。　　With　me；　as　with　yourself；　the　long　struggle　has　been

one　of　great　pecuniary　loss。



I　now　distinctly