the writings-5-第31章
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been silenced; the overthrow of these constitutions will be demanded;
and nothing be left to resist the demand。 It is nothing to the
contrary; that they do not demand the whole of this just now。
Demanding what they do; and for the reason they do; they can
voluntarily stop nowhere short of this consummation。 Holding; as
they do; that slavery is morally right; and socially elevating; they
cannot cease to demand a full national recognition of it; as a legal
right and a social blessing。
Nor can we justifiably withhold this on any ground save our
conviction that slavery is wrong。 If slavery is right; all words;
acts; laws; and constitutions against it are themselves wrong; and
should be silenced and swept away。 If it is right; we cannot justly
object to its nationality its universality; if it is wrong; they
cannot justly insist upon its extensionits enlargement。 All they
ask we could readily grant if we thought slavery right; all we ask
they could as readily grant; if they thought it wrong。 Their
thinking it right and our thinking it wrong is the precise fact upon
which depends the whole controversy。 Thinking it right; as they do;
they are not to blame for desiring its full recognition; as being
right; but thinking it wrong; as we do; can we yield to them? Can we
cast our votes with their view; and against our own? In view of our
moral; social; and political responsibilities; can we do this? Wrong
as we think slavery is; we can yet afford to let it alone where it
is; because that much is due to the necessity arising from its actual
presence in the nation; but can we; while our votes will prevent it;
allow it to spread into the national Territories; and to overrun us
here in these free States? If our sense of duty forbids this; then
let us stand by our duty; fearlessly and effectively。 Let us be
diverted by none of those sophistical contrivances wherewith we are
so industriously plied and belabored…contrivances such as groping for
some middle ground between the right and the wrong; vain as the
search for a man who should be neither a living man nor a dead
man…such as a policy of 〃don't care〃 on a question about which all
true men do caresuch as Union appeals beseeching true Union men to
yield to Disunionists; reversing the divine rule; and calling; not
the sinners; but the righteous to repentancesuch as invocations to
Washington; imploring men to unsay what Washington said; and undo
what Washington did。
Neither let us be slandered from our duty by false accusations
against us; nor frightened from it by menaces of destruction to the
Government nor of dungeons to ourselves。 LET US HAVE FAITH THAT RIGHT
MAKES MIGHT; AND IN THAT FAITH LET US; TO THE END; DARE TO DO OUR
DUTY AS WE UNDERSTAND IT。
SPEECH AT NEW HAVEN; CONNECTICUT; MARCH 6; 1860
MR。 PRESIDENT; AND FELLOW…CITIZENS OF NEW HAVEN:If the Republican
party of this nation shall ever have the national House entrusted to
its keeping; it will be the duty of that party to attend to all the
affairs of national housekeeping。 Whatever matters of importance may
come up; whatever difficulties may arise in its way of administration
of the Government; that party will then have to attend to。 It will
then be compelled to attend to other questions; besides this question
which now assumes an overwhelming importancethe question of
slavery。 It is true that in the organization of the Republican party
this question of slavery was more important than any other: indeed;
so much more important has it become that no more national question
can even get a hearing just at present。 The old question of tariff…
…a matter that will remain one of the chief affairs of national
house…keeping to all time; the question of the management of
financial affairs; the question of the disposition of the public
domain how shall it be managed for the purpose of getting it well
settled; and of making there the homes of a free and happy people?
these will remain open and require attention for a great while yet;
and these questions will have to be attended to by whatever party has
the control of the Government。 Yet; just now; they cannot even
obtain a hearing; and I do not propose to detain you upon these
topics or what sort of hearing they should have when opportunity
shall come。
For; whether we will or not; the question of slavery is the question;
the all…absorbing topic of the day。 It is true that all of usand by
that I mean; not the Republican party alone; but the whole American
people; here and elsewhereall of us wish this question settled;
wish it out of the way。 It stands in the way; and prevents the
adjustment; and the giving of necessary attention to other questions
of national house…keeping。 The people of the whole nation agree that
this question ought to be settled; and yet it is not settled。 And
the reason is that they are not yet agreed how it shall be settled。
All wish it done; but some wish one way and some another; and some a
third; or fourth; or fifth; different bodies are pulling in different
directions; and none of them; having a decided majority; are able to
accomplish the common object。
In the beginning of the year 1854; a new policy was inaugurated with
the avowed object and confident promise that it would entirely and
forever put an end to the slavery agitation。 It was again and again
declared that under this policy; when once successfully established;
the country would be forever rid of this whole question。 Yet under
the operation of that policy this agitation has not only not ceased;
but it has been constantly augmented。 And this too; although; from
the day of its introduction; its friends; who promised that it would
wholly end all agitation; constantly insisted; down to the time that
the Lecompton Bill was introduced; that it was working admirably; and
that its inevitable tendency was to remove the question forever from
the politics of the country。 Can you call to mind any Democratic
speech; made after the repeal of the Missouri Compromise; down to the
time of the Lecompton Bill; in which it was not predicted that the
slavery agitation was just at an end; that 〃the abolition excitement
was played out;〃 〃the Kansas question was dead;〃 〃they have made the
most they can out of this question and it is now forever settled〃?
But since the Lecompton Bill no Democrat; within my experience; has
ever pretended that he could see the end。 That cry has been dropped。
They themselves do not pretend; now; that the agitation of this
subject has come to an end yet。
The truth is that this question is one of national importance; and we
cannot help dealing with it; we must do something about it; whether
we will or not。 We cannot avoid it; the subject is one we cannot
avoid considering; we can no more avoid it than a man can live
without eating。 It is upon us; it attaches to the body politic as
much and closely as the natural wants attach to our natural bodies。
Now I think it important that this matter should be taken up in
earnest; and really settled: And one way to bring about a true
settlement of the question is to understand its true magnitude。
There have been many efforts made to settle it。 Again and again it
has been fondly hoped that it was settled; but every time it breaks
out afresh; and more violently than ever。 It was settled; our
fathers hoped; by the Missouri Compromise; but it did not stay
settled。 Then the compromises of 1850 were declared to be a full and
final settlement of the question。 The two great parties; each in
national convention; adopted resolutions declaring that the
settlement made by the Compromise of 1850 was a finality that it
would last forever。 Yet how long before it was unsettled again?
It broke out again in 1854; and blazed higher and raged more
furiously than ever before; and the agitation has not rested since。
These repeated settlements must have some faults abo