the writings-5-第28章

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any　case；　we　should　do　so　upon　evidence　so　conclusive；　and　argument

so　clear；　that　even　their　great　authority；　fairly　considered　and

weighed；　cannot　stand；　and　most　surely　not　in　a　case　whereof　we

ourselves　declare　they　understood　the　question　better　than　we。



If　any　man　at　this　day　sincerely　believes　that　proper　division　of

local　from　Federal　authority；　or　any　part　of　the　Constitution；

forbids　the　Federal　Government　to　control　as　to　slavery　in　the

Federal　Territories；　he　is　right　to　say　so；　and　to　enforce　his

position　by　all　truthful　evidence　and　fair　argument　which　he　can。

But　he　has　no　right　to　mislead　others　who　have　less　access　to

history；　and　less　leisure　to　study　it；　into　the　false　belief　that

〃our　fathers　who　framed　the　Government　under　which　we　live〃　were　of

the　same　opinion　thus　substituting　falsehood　and　deception　for

truthful　evidence　and　fair　argument。　　If　any　man　at　this　day

sincerely　believes　〃our　fathers；　who　framed　the　Government　under

which　we　live；〃　used　and　applied　principles；　in　other　cases；　which

ought　to　have　led　them　to　understand　that　a　proper　division　of　local

from　Federal　authority；　or　some　part　of　the　Constitution；　forbids　the

Federal　Government　to　control　as　to　slavery　in　the　Federal

Territories；　he　is　right　to　say　so。　　But　he　should；　at　the　same　time；

brave　the　responsibility　of　declaring　that；　in　his　opinion；　he

understands　their　principles　better　than　they　did　themselves；　and

especially　should　he　not　shirk　that　responsibility　by　asserting　that

they　〃understood　the　question　just　as　well；　and　even　better　than　we

do　now。〃



But　enough！　　Let　all　who　believe　that　〃our　fathers；　who　framed　the

Government　under　which　we　live；　understood　this　question　just　as

well；　and　even　better　than　we　do　now；〃　speak　as　they　spoke；　and　act

as　they　acted　upon　it。　　This　is　all　Republicans　askall　Republicans

desirein　relation　to　slavery。　　As　those　fathers　marked　it；　so　let

it　be　again　marked；　as　an　evil　not　to　be　extended；　but　to　be

tolerated　and　protected　only　because　of；　and　so　far　as；　its　actual

presence　among　us　makes　that　toleration　and　protection　a　necessity。

Let　all　the　guaranties　those　fathers　gave　it　be　not　grudgingly；　but

fully　and　fairly　maintained。　For　this　Republicans　contend；　and　with

this；　so　far　as　I　know　or　believe；　they　will　be　content。



And　now；　if　they　would　listenas　I　suppose　they　will　notI　would

address　a　few　words　to　the　Southern　people。



I　would　say　to　them：　You　consider　yourselves　a　reasonable　and　a　just

people；　and　I　consider　that　in　the　general　qualities　of　reason　and

justice　you　are　not　inferior　to　any　other　people。　　Still；　when　you

speak　of　us　Republicans；　you　do　so　only　to　denounce　us　as　reptiles；

or；　at　the　best；　as　no　better　than　outlaws。　　You　will　grant　a　hearing

to　pirates　or　murderers；　but　nothing　like　it　to　〃Black　Republicans。〃

In　all　your　contentions　with　one　another；　each　of　you　deems　an

unconditional　condemnation　of　〃Black　Republicanism〃　as　the　first

thing　to　be　attended　to。　　Indeed；　such　condemnation　of　us　seems　to　be

an　indispensable　prerequisite　license；　so　to　speak　among　you；　to　be

admitted　or　permitted　to　speak　at　all：　Now；　can　you；　or　not；　be

prevailed　upon　to　pause；　and　to　consider　whether　this　is　quite　just

to　us；　or　even　to　yourselves？　　Bring　forward　your　charges　and

specifications；　and　then　be　patient　long　enough　to　hear　us　deny　or

justify。



You　say　we　are　sectional。　　We　deny　it。　　That　makes　an　issue；　and　the

burden　of　proof　is　upon　you。　　You　produce　your　proof；　and　what　is　it？

Why；　that　our　party　has　no　existence　in　your　sectiongets　no　votes

in　your　section。　　The　fact　is　substantially　true；　but　does　it　prove

the　issue？　　If　it　does；　then　in　case　we　should；　without　change　of

principle；　begin　to　get　votes　in　your　section；　we　should　thereby

cease　to　be　sectional。　　You　cannot　escape　this　conclusion；　and　yet；

are　you　willing　to　abide　by　it？　　If　you　are；　you　will　probably　soon

find　that　we　have　ceased　to　be　sectional；　for　we　shall　get　votes　in

your　section　this　very　year。　　You　will　then　begin　to　discover；　as　the

truth　plainly　is；　that　your　proof；　does　not　touch　the　issue。　The　fact

that　we　get　no　votes　in　your　section　is　a　fact　of　your　making；　and

not　of　ours。　　And　if　there　be　fault　in　that　fact；　that　fault　is

primarily　yours；　and　remains　so　until　you　show　that　we　repel　you　by；

some　wrong　principle　or　practice。　　If　we　do　repel　you　by　any　wrong

principle　or　practice；　the　fault　is　ours；　but　this　brings　you　to

where　you　ought　to　have　started　to　a　discussion　of　the　right　or　wrong

of　our　principle。　　If　our　principle；　put　in　practice；　would　wrong

your　section　for　the　benefit　of　ours；　or　for　any　other　object；　then

our　principle；　and　we　with　it；　are　sectional；　and　are　justly　opposed

and　denounced　as　such。　Meet　us；　then；　on　the　question　of　whether　our

principle；　put　in　practice；　would　wrong　your　section；　and　so　meet　us

as　if　it　were　possible　that　something　may　be　said　on　our　side。　　Do

you　accept　the　challenge？　　No！　　Then　you　really　believe　that　the

principle　which　〃our　fathers　who　framed　the　Government　under　which　we

live〃　thought　so　clearly　right　as　to　adopt　it；　and　indorse　it　again

and　again；　upon　their　official　oaths；　is　in　fact　so　clearly　wrong　as

to　demand　your　condemnation　without　a　moment's　consideration。



Some　of　you　delight　to　flaunt　in　our　faces　the　warning　against

sectional　parties　given　by　Washington　in　his　Farewell　Address。　　Less

than　eight　years　before　Washington　gave　that　warning；　he　had；　as

President　of　the　United　States；　approved　and　signed　an　act　of

Congress　enforcing　the　prohibition　of　slavery　in　the　Northwestern

Territory；　which　act　embodied　the　policy　of　the　Government　upon　that

subject　up　to；　and　at；　the　very　moment　he　penned　that　warning；　and

about　one　year　after　he　penned　it；　he　wrote　La　Fayette　that　he

considered　that　prohibition　a　wise　measure；　expressing　in　the　same

connection　his　hope　that　we　should　at　some　time　have　a　confederacy　of

free　States。



Bearing　this　in　mind；　and　seeing　that　sectionalism　has　since　arisen

upon　this　same　subject；　is　that　warning　a　weapon　in　your　hands

against　us；　or　in　our　hands　against　you？　　Could　Washington　himself

speak；　would　he　cast　the　blame　of　that　sectionalism　upon　us；　who

sustain　his　policy；　or　upon　you；　who　repudiate　it？　　We　respect　that

warning　of　Washington；　and　we　commend　it　to　you；　together　with　his

example　pointing　to　the　right　application　of　it。



But　you　say　you　are　conservativeeminently　conservativewhile　we

are　revolutionary；　destructive；　or　something；　of　the　sort。　　What　is

conservatism？　　Is　it　not　adherence　to　the　old　and　tried；　against　a

new　and　untried？　　We　stick　to；　contend　for；　the　identical　old　policy

on　the　point　in　controversy　which　was　adopted　by　〃our　fathers　who

framed　the　Government　under　which　we　live〃；　while　you　with　one　accord

reject；　and　scout；　and　spit　upon　that　old　policy　and　insist　upon

substituting　something　new。　　True；　you　disagree　among　yourselves　as

to　what　that　substitute　shall　be。　　You　are　divided　on　new

propositions　and　plans；　but　you　are　unanimous　in　rejecting　and

denouncing　the　old　policy　of　the　fathers。　　Some　of　you　are　for

reviving　the　foreign　slave　trade；　some　for　a　Congressional　slave　code

for　the　Territories；　some　for　Congress　forbidding　the　Territories　to

prohibit　slavery　within　their　limits；　some　for　maintaining　slavery　in

the　Territories　through　the　judiciary；　some　for　the　〃gur…reat

pur…rinciple〃　that　〃if　one　man　would　enslave　another；　no　third　man

should　object；〃　fantastically　called　〃popular　sovereignty〃；　but　never

a　man　among　you　in　favor　of　Federal　prohibition　of　slavery　in　Federal

Territories；　according　to　the　practice　of　〃our　fathers　who　framed　the

Government　under　which　we　live。〃　　Not　one　of　all　your　various　plans

can　show　a　precedent　or　an　advocate　in　the　century　within　which　our

Government　originated。　　Consider；　then；　whether　your　claim　of

conservatism　for　yourselves；　and　your　charge　of　destructiveness