the writings-5-第23章

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choose；　when　they　have　accumulated　it；　to　use　it　to　save　themselves

from　actual　labor；　and　hire　other　people　to　labor　for　them；　is　right。

In　doing　so　they　do　not　wrong　the　man　they　employ；　for　they　find　men

who　have　not　of　their　own　land　to　work　upon；　or　shops　to　work　in；　and

who　are　benefited　by　working　for　others；　hired　laborers；　receiving

their　capital　for　it。　　Thus　a　few　men；　that　own　capital；　hire　a　few

others；　and　these　establish　the　relation　of　capital　and　labor

rightfully；　a　relation　of　which　I　make　no　complaint。　But　I　insist

that　that　relation；　after　all；　does　not　embrace　more　than　one　eighth

of　the　labor　of　the　country。



＇The　speaker　proceeded　to　argue　that　the　hired　laborer；　with　his

ability　to　become　an　employer；　must　have　every　precedence　over　him

who　labors　under　the　inducement　of　force。　He　continued：＇



I　have　taken　upon　myself　in　the　name　of　some　of　you　to　say　that　we

expect　upon　these　principles　to　ultimately　beat　them。　In　order　to　do

so；　I　think　we　want　and　must　have　a　national　policy　in　regard　to　the

institution　of　slavery　that　acknowledges　and　deals　with　that

institution　as　being　wrong。　　Whoever　desires　the　prevention　of　the

spread　of　slavery　and　the　nationalization　of　that　institution　yields

all　when　he　yields　to　any　policy　that　either　recognizes　slavery　as

being　right　or　as　being　an　indifferent　thing。　　Nothing　will　make　you

successful　but　setting　up　a　policy　which　shall　treat　the　thing　as

being　wrong：　When　I　say　this；　I　do　not　mean　to　say　that　this　General

Government　is　charged　with　the　duty　of　redressing　or　preventing　all

the　wrongs　in　the　world；　but　I　do　think　that　it　is　charged　with

preventing　and　redressing　all　wrongs　which　are　wrongs　to　itself。

This　Government　is　expressly　charged　with　the　duty　of　providing　for

the　general　welfare。　　We　believe　that　the　spreading　out　and

perpetuity　of　the　institution　of　slavery　impairs　the　general　welfare。

We　believenay；　we　knowthat　that　is　the　only　thing　that　has　ever

threatened　the　perpetuity　of　the　Union　itself。　　The　only　thing　which

has　ever　menaced　the　destruction　of　the　government　under　which　we

live　is　this　very　thing。　To　repress　this　thing；　we　think；　is；

Providing　for　the　general　welfare。　Our　friends　in　Kentucky　differ

from　us。　　We　need　not　make　our　argument　for　them；　but　we　who　think　it

is　wrong　in　all　its　relations；　or　in　some　of　them　at　least；　must

decide　as　to　our　own　actions　and　our　own　course；　upon　our　own

judgment。



I　say　that　we　must　not　interfere　with　the　institution　of　slavery　in

the　States　where　it　exists；　because　the　Constitution　forbids　it；　and

the　general　welfare　does　not　require　us　to　do　so。　　We　must　not

withhold　an　efficient　Fugitive　Slave　law；　because　the　Constitution

requires　us；　as　I　understand　it；　not　to　withhold　such　a　law。　　But　we

must　prevent　the　outspreading　of　the　institution；　because　neither　the

Constitution　nor　general　welfare　requires　us　to　extend　it。　　We　must

prevent　the　revival　of　the　African　slave　trade；　and　the　enacting　by

Congress　of　a　Territorial　slave　code。　　We　must　prevent　each　of　these

things　being　done　by　either　Congresses　or　courts。　　The　people　of

these　United　States　are　the　rightful　masters　of　both　Congresses　and

courts；　not　to　overthrow　the　Constitution；　but　to　overthrow　the　men

who　pervert　the　Constitution。



To　do　these　things　we　must　employ　instrumentalities。　　We　must　hold

conventions；　we　must　adopt　platforms；　if　we　conform　to　ordinary

custom；　we　must　nominate　candidates；　and　we　must　carry　elections。　　In

all　these　things；　I　think　that　we　ought　to　keep　in　view　our　real

purpose；　and　in　none　do　anything　that　stands　adverse　to　our　purpose。

If　we　shall　adopt　a　platform　that　fails　to　recognize　or　express　our

purpose；　or　elect　a　man　that　declares　himself　inimical　to　our

purpose；　we　not　only　take　nothing　by　our　success；　but　we　tacitly

admit　that　we　act　upon　no　other　principle　than　a　desire　to　have　〃the

loaves　and　fishes；〃　by　which；　in　the　end；　our　apparent　success　is

really　an　injury　to　us。



I　know　that　this　is　very　desirable　with　me；　as　with　everybody　else；

that　all　the　elements　of　the　opposition　shall　unite　in　the　next

Presidential　election　and　in　all　future　time。　I　am　anxious　that　that

should　be；　but　there　are　things　seriously　to　be　considered　in

relation　to　that　matter。　　If　the　terms　can　be　arranged；　I　am　in　favor

of　the　union。　　But　suppose　we　shall　take　up　some　man；　and　put　him

upon　one　end　or　the　other　of　the　ticket；　who　declares　himself　against

us　in　regard　to　the　prevention　of　the　spread　of　slavery；　who　turns　up

his　nose　and　says　he　is　tired　of　hearing　anything　more　about　it；　who

is　more　against　us　than　against　the　enemy；　what　will　be　the　issue？

Why；　he　will　get　no　slave　States；　after　all；he　has　tried　that

already　until　being　beat　is　the　rule　for　him。　　If　we　nominate　him

upon　that　ground；　he　will　not　carry　a　slave　State；　and　not　only　so；

but　that　portion　of　our　men　who　are　high…strung　upon　the　principle　we

really　fight　for　will　not　go　for　him；　and　he　won't　get　a　single

electoral　vote　anywhere；　except；　perhaps；　in　the　State　of　Maryland。

There　is　no　use　in　saying　to　us　that　we　are　stubborn　and　obstinate

because　we　won't　do　some　such　thing　as　this。　　We　cannot　do　it。　　We

cannot　get　our　men　to　vote　it。　　I　speak　by　the　card；　that　we　cannot

give　the　State　of　Illinois　in　such　case　by　fifty　thousand。　　We　would

be　flatter　down　than　the　〃Negro　Democracy〃　themselves　have　the　heart

to　wish　to　see　us。



After　saying　this　much　let　me　say　a　little　on　the　other　side。　There

are　plenty　of　men　in　the　slave　States　that　are　altogether　good　enough

for　me　to　be　either　President　or　Vice…President；　provided　they　will

profess　their　sympathy　with　our　purpose；　and　will　place　themselves　on

the　ground　that　our　men；　upon　principle；　can　vote　for　them。　　There

are　scores　of　them；　good　men　in　their　character　for　intelligence　and

talent　and　integrity。　　If　such　a　one　will　place　himself　upon　the

right　ground；　I　am　for　his　occupying　one　place　upon　the　next

Republican　or　opposition　ticket。　　I　will　heartily　go　for　him。　　But

unless　he　does　so　place　himself；　I　think　it　a　matter　of　perfect

nonsense　to　attempt　to　bring　about　a　union　upon　any　other　basis；　that

if　a　union　be　made；　the　elements　will　scatter　so　that　there　can　be　no

success　for　such　a　ticket；　nor　anything　like　success。　　The　good　old

maxims　of　the　Bible　axe　applicable；　and　truly　applicable；　to　human

affairs；　and　in　this；　as　in　other　things；　we　may　say　here　that　he　who

is　not　for　us　is　against　us；　he　who　gathereth　not　with　us；

scattereth。　　I　should　be　glad　to　have　some　of　the　many　good　and　able

and　noble　men　of　the　South　to　place　themselves　where　we　can　confer

upon　them　the　high　honor　of　an　election　upon　one　or　the　other　end　of

our　ticket。　　It　would　do　my　soul　good　to　do　that　thing。　　It　would

enable　us　to　teach　them　that；　inasmuch　as　we　select　one　of　their　own

number　to　carry　out　our　principles；　we　are　free　from　the　charge　that

we　mean　more　than　we　say。



But；　my　friends；　I　have　detained　you　much　longer　than　I　expected　to

do。　　I　believe　I　may　do　myself　the　compliment　to　say　that　you　have

stayed　and　heard　me　with　great　patience；　for　which　I　return　you　my

most　sincere　thanks。









ON　PROTECTIVE　TARIFFS



TO　EDWARD　WALLACE。



CLINTON；　October　11；　1859



Dr。　EDWARD　WALLACE。



MY　DEAR　SIR：I　am　here　just　now　attending　court。　　Yesterday；　before

I　left　Springfield；　your　brother；　Dr。　William　S。　Wallace；　showed　me　a

letter　of　yours；　in　which　you　kindly　mention　my　name；　inquiring　for

my　tariff　views；　and　suggest　the　propriety　of　my　writing　a　letter

upon　the　subject。　　I　was　an　old　Henry…Clay…Tariff　Whig。　　In　old　times

I　made　more　speeches　on　that　subject　than　any　other。



I　have　not　since　changed　my　views。　　I　believe　yet；　if　we　could　have　a

moderate；　carefully　adjusted　protective　tariff；　so　far　acquiesced　in

as　not　to　be　a　perpetual　subject　of　political　strife；　squabbles

changes；　and　uncertainties；　it　would　be　better