the writings-5-第16章

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audience　that　if　they　would　repress　all　tendencies　to　liberty　and

ultimate　emancipation　they　must　go　back　to　the　era　of　our

independence；　and　muzzle　the　cannon　which　thundered　its　annual　joyous

return　on　the　Fourth　of　July；　they　must　blow　out　the　moral　lights

around　us；　they　must　penetrate　the　human　soul；　and　eradicate　the　love

of　liberty：　but　until　they　did　these　things；　and　others　eloquently

enumerated　by　him；　they　could　not　repress　all　tendencies　to　ultimate

emancipation。



I　ask　attention　to　the　fact　that　in　a　pre…eminent　degree　these

popular　sovereigns　are　at　this　work：　blowing　out　the　moral　lights

around　us；　teaching　that　the　negro　is　no　longer　a　man；　but　a　brute；

that　the　Declaration　has　nothing　to　do　with　him；　that　he　ranks　with

the　crocodile　and　the　reptile；　that　man；　with　body　and　soul；　is　a

matter　of　dollars　and　cents。　　I　suggest　to　this　portion　of　the　Ohio

Republicans；　or　Democrats；　if　there　be　any　present；　the　serious

consideration　of　this　fact　that　there　is　now　going　on　among　you　a

steady　process　of　debauching　public　opinion　on　this　subject。　　With

this；　my　friends；　I　bid　you　adieu。









SPEECH　AT　CINCINNATI　OHIO；　SEPTEMBER　17；　1859



My　Fellow…Citizens　of　the　State　of　Ohio：　　This　is　the　first　time　in

my　life　that　I　have　appeared　before　an　audience　in　so　great　a　city　as

this：　I　thereforethough　I　am　no　longer　a　young　manmake　this

appearance　under　some　degree　of　embarrassment。　　But　I　have　found　that

when　one　is　embarrassed；　usually　the　shortest　way　to　get　through　with

it　is　to　quit　talking　or　thinking　about　it；　and　go　at　something　else。



I　understand　that　you　have　had　recently　with　you　my　very

distinguished　friend　Judge　Douglas；　of　Illinois；　and　I　understand；

without　having　had　an　opportunity　（not　greatly　sought；　to　be　sure）　of

seeing　a　report　of　the　speech　that　he　made　here；　that　he　did　me　the

honor　to　mention　my　humble　name。　　I　suppose　that　he　did　so　for　the

purpose　of　making　some　objection　to　some　sentiment　at　some　time

expressed　by　me。　　I　should　expect；　it　is　true；　that　judge　Douglas　had

reminded　you；　or　informed　you；　if　you　had　never　before　heard　it；　that

I　had　once　in　my　life　declared　it　as　my　opinion　that　this　government

cannot　endure　permanently；　half　slave　and　half　free；　that　a　house

divided　against　itself　cannot　stand；　and；　as　I　had　expressed　it；　I

did　not　expect　the　house　to　fall；　that　I　did　not　expect　the　Union　to

be　dissolved；　but　that　I　did　expect　that　it　would　cease　to　be

divided；　that　it　would　become　all　one　thing；　or　all　the　other；　that

either　the　opponents　of　slavery　would　arrest　the　further　spread　of

it；　and　place　it　where　the　public　mind　would　rest　in　the　belief　that

it　was　in　the　course　of　ultimate　extinction；　or　the　friends　of

slavery　will　push　it　forward　until　it　becomes　alike　lawful　in　all　the

States；　old　or　new；　free　as　well　as　slave。　I　did；　fifteen　months　ago；

express　that　opinion；　and　upon　many　occasions　Judge　Douglas　has

denounced　it；　and　has　greatly；　intentionally　or　unintentionally；

misrepresented　my　purpose　in　the　expression　of　that　opinion。



I　presume；　without　having　seen　a　report　of　his　speech；　that　he　did　so

here。　　I　presume　that　he　alluded　also　to　that　opinion；　in　different

language；　having　been　expressed　at　a　subsequent　time　by　Governor

Seward　of　New　York；　and　that　he　took　the　two　in　a　lump　and　denounced

them；　that　he　tried　to　point　out　that　there　was　something　couched　in

this　opinion　which　led　to　the　making　of　an　entire　uniformity　of　the

local　institutions　of　the　various　States　of　the　Union；　in　utter

disregard　of　the　different　States；　which　in　their　nature　would　seem

to　require　a　variety　of　institutions　and　a　variety　of　laws；

conforming　to　the　differences　in　the　nature　of　the　different　States。



Not　only　so：　I　presume　he　insisted　that　this　was　a　declaration　of　war

between　the　free　and　slave　States；　that　it　was　the　sounding　to　the

onset　of　continual　war　between　the　different　States；　the　slave　and

free　States。



This　charge；　in　this　form；　was　made　by　Judge　Douglas　on；　I　believe；

the　9th　of　July；　1858；　in　Chicago；　in　my　hearing。　　On　the　next

evening；　I　made　some　reply　to　it。　　I　informed　him　that　many　of　the

inferences　he　drew　from　that　expression　of　mine　were　altogether

foreign　to　any　purpose　entertained　by　me；　and　in　so　far　as　he　should

ascribe　these　inferences　to　me；　as　my　purpose；　he　was　entirely

mistaken；　and　in　so　far　as　he　might　argue　that；　whatever　might　be　my

purpose；　actions　conforming　to　my　views　would　lead　to　these　results；

he　might　argue　and　establish　if　he　could；　but；　so　far　as　purposes

were　concerned；　he　was　totally　mistaken　as　to　me。



When　I　made　that　reply　to　him；　I　told　him；　on　the　question　of

declaring　war　between　the　different　States　of　the　Union；　that　I　had

not　said　that　I　did　not　expect　any　peace　upon　this　question　until

slavery　was　exterminated；　that　I　had　only　said　I　expected　peace　when

that　institution　was　put　where　the　public　mind　should　rest　in　the

belief　that　it　was　in　course　of　ultimate　extinction；　that　I　believed；

from　the　organization　of　our　government　until　a　very　recent　period　of

time；　the　institution　had　been　placed　and　continued　upon　such　a

basis；　that　we　had　had　comparative　peace　upon　that　question　through　a

portion　of　that　period　of　time；　only　because　the　public　mind　rested

in　that　belief　in　regard　to　it；　and　that　when　we　returned　to　that

position　in　relation　to　that　matter；　I　supposed　we　should　again　have

peace　as　we　previously　had。　I　assured　him；　as　I　now；　assure　you；　that

I　neither　then　had；　nor　have；　or　ever　had；　any　purpose　in　any　way　of

interfering　with　the　institution　of　slavery；　where　it　exists。　　I

believe　we　have　no　power；　under　the　Constitution　of　the　United

States；　or　rather　under　the　form　of　government　under　which　we　live；

to　interfere　with　the　institution　of　slavery；　or　any　other　of　the

institutions　of　our　sister　States；　be　they　free　or　slave　States。　　I

declared　then；　and　I　now　re…declare；　that　I　have　as　little

inclination　to　interfere　with　the　institution　of　slavery　where　it　now

exists；　through　the　instrumentality　of　the　General　Government；　or　any

other　instrumentality；　as　I　believe　we　have　no　power　to　do　so。　　I

accidentally　used　this　expression：　　I　had　no　purpose　of　entering　into

the　slave　States　to　disturb　the　institution　of　slavery。　　So；　upon　the

first　occasion　that　Judge　Douglas　got　an　opportunity　to　reply　to　me；

he　passed　by　the　whole　body　of　what　I　had　said　upon　that　subject；　and

seized　upon　the　particular　expression　of　mine　that　I　had　no　purpose

of　entering　into　the　slave　States　to　disturb　the　institution　of

slavery。　　〃Oh；　no；〃　said　he；　〃he　＇Lincoln＇　won't　enter　into　the　slave

States　to　disturb　the　institution　of　slavery；　he　is　too　prudent　a　man

to　do　such　a　thing　as　that；　he　only　means　that　he　will　go　on　to　the

line　between　the　free　and　slave　States；　and　shoot　over　at　them。　　This

is　all　he　means　to　do。　　He　means　to　do　them　all　the　harm　he　can；　to

disturb　them　all　he　can；　in　such　a　way　as　to　keep　his　own　hide　in

perfect　safety。〃



Well；　now；　I　did　not　think；　at　that　time；　that　that　was　either　a　very

dignified　or　very　logical　argument　but　so　it　was；　I　had　to　get　along

with　it　as　well　as　I　could。



It　has　occurred　to…me　here　to…night　that　if　I　ever　do　shoot　over　the

line　at　the　people　on　the　other　side　of　the　line　into　a　slave　State；

and　purpose　to　do　so；　keeping　my　skin　safe；　that　I　have　now　about　the

best　chance　I　shall　ever　have。　I　should　not　wonder　if　there　are　some

Kentuckians　about　this　audiencewe　are　close　to　Kentucky；　and

whether　that　be　so　or　not；　we　are　on　elevated　ground；　and；　by

speaking　distinctly；　I　should　not　wonder　if　some　of　the　Kentuckians

would　hear　me　on　the　other　side　of　the　river。　For　that　reason　I

propose　to　address　a　portion　of　what　I　have　to　say　to　the

Kentuckians。



I　say；　then；　in　the　first　place；　to　the　Kentuckians；　that　I　am　what

they　call；　as　I　understand　it；　a　〃Black　Republican。〃　I　think　slavery

is　wrong；　morall