the american republic-第28章
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ar more liberty for the people； and a far greater security for person and property； except in the case of the feudal nobles themselves； than was even dreamed of while the feudal regime was in full vigor。 Nobles were themselves free； it is conceded； but not the people。 The king was too weak； too restricted in his action by the feudal constitution to reach them； and the higher clergy were ex officio sovereigns； princes； barons； or feudal lords； and were led by their private interests to act with the feudal nobility； save when that nobility threatened the temporalities of the church。 The only reliance； under God； left in feudal times to the poor people was in the lower ranks of the clergy； especially of the regular clergy。 All the great German emperors in the twelfth and 161 thirteenth centuries； who saw the evils of feudalism； and attempted to break it up and revive imperial Rome； became involved in quarrels with the chiefs of the religious society； and failed； because the interest of the Popes； as feudal sovereigns and Italian princes； and the interests of the dignified clergy； were for the time bound up with the feudal society； though their Roman culture and civilization made them at heart hostile to it。 The student of history； however strong his filial affection towards the visible head of the church； cannot help admiring the grandeur of the political views of Frederic the Second； the greatest and last of the Hohenstaufen； or refrain from dropping a tear over his sad failure。 He had great faults as a man； but he had rare genius as a statesman； and it is some consolation to know that he died a Christian death； in charity with all men； after having received the last sacraments of his religion。
The Popes； under the circumstances； were no doubt justified in the policy they pursued； for the Swabian emperors failed to respect the acknowledged rights of the church； and to remember their own incompetency in spirituals； but evidently their political views and aims were liberal； far…reaching； and worthy of admiration。 162 Their success； if it could have been effected without lesion to the church； would have set Europe forward some two or three hundred years； and probably saved it from the schisms of the fourteenth and sixteenth centuries。 But it is easy to be wise after the event。 The fact is； that during the period when feudalism was in full vigor； the king was merely a shadow； the people found their only consolation in religion； and their chief protectors in the monks； who mingled with them； saw their sufferings； and sympathized with them； consoled them； carried their cause to the castle before the feudal lord and lady； and did； thank God； do something to keep alive religious sentiments and convictions in the bosom of the feudal society itself。 Whatever opinions may be formed of the monastic orders in relation to the present； this much is certain； that they were the chief civilizers of Europe； and the chief agents in delivering European society from feudal barbarism。
The aristocracy have been claimed as the natural allies of the throne； but history proves them to be its natural enemies； whenever it cannot be used in their service； and kings do not consent to be their ministers and to do their bidding。 A political aristocracy has at heart 163 only the interests of its order； and pursues no line of policy but the extension or preservation of its privileges。 Having little to gain and much to lose； it opposes every political change that would either strengthen the crown or elevate the people。 The nobility in the French Revolution were the first to desert both the king and the kingdom； and kings have always found their readiest and firmest allies in the people。 The people in Europe have no such bitter feelings towards royalty as they have towards the feudal nobilityfor kings have never so grievously oppressed them。 In Rome the patrician order opposed alike the emperor and the people； except when they； as chivalric nobles sometimes will do； turned courtiers or demagogues。 They were the people of Rome and the provinces that sustained the emperors； and they were the emperors who sustained the people； and gave to the provincials the privileges of Roman citizens。
Guaranties against excessive centralism are certainly needed； but the statesman will not seek them in the feudal organization of societyin a political aristocracy； whether founded on birth or private wealth； nor in a privileged class of any sort。 Better trust Caesar than Brutus； or even Cato。 Nor will he seek them 164 in the antagonism of interests intended to neutralize or balance each other； as in the English constitution。 This was the great error of Mr。 Calhoun。 No man saw more clearly than Mr。 Calhoun the utter worthlessness of simple paper constitutions； on which Mr。 Jefferson placed such implicit reliance； or that the real constitution is in the state itself； in the manner in which the people themselves are organized； but his reliance was in constituting； as powers in the state； the several popular interests that exist； and pitting them against each otherthe famous system of checks and balances of English states men。 He was led to this； because be distrusted power； and was more intention guarding against its abuses than on providing for its free； vigorous； and healthy action； going on the principle that 〃that is the best government which governs least。〃 But； if the opposing interests could be made to balance one another perfectly； the result would be an equilibrium； in which power would be brought to a stand…still； and if not； the stronger would succeed and swallow up all the rest。 The theory of checks and balances is admirable if the object be to trammel power； and to have as little power in the government as possible； but it is a theory which is born from passions engendered by the struggle against 165 despotism or arbitrary power； not from a calm and philosophical appreciation of government itself。 The English have not succeeded in establishing their theory； for； after all； their constitution does not work so well as they pretend。 The landed interest controls at one time； and the mercantile and manufacturing interest at another。 They do not perfectly balance one another； and it is not difficult to see that the mercantile and manufacturing interest； combined with the moneyed interest； is henceforth to predominate。 The aim of the real statesman is to organize all the interests and forces of the state dialectically； so that they shall unite to add to its strength； and work together harmoniously for the common good。
166 CHAPTER VIII。
CONSTITUTION OF GOVERNMENT…CONCLUDED。
Though the constitution of the people is congenital； like the constitution of an individual； and cannot be radically changed without the destruction of the state； it must not be supposed that it is wholly withdrawn from the action of the reason and free…will of the nation； nor from that of individual statesmen。 All created things are subject to the law of development； and may be developed either in a good sense or in a bad； that is； may be either completed or corrupted。 All the possibilities of the national constitution are given originally in the birth of the nation； as all the possibilities of mankind were given in the first man。 The germ must be given in the original constitution。 But in all constitutions there is more than one element； and the several elements maybe developed pari passu； or unequally； one having the ascendency and suppressing the rest。 In the original constitution of Rome the patrician ele… 167 ment was dominant； showing that the patriarchal organization of society still retained no little force。 The king was only the presiding officer of the senate and the leader of the army in war。 His civil functions corresponded very nearly to those of a mayor of the city of New York； where all the effective power is in the aldermen； common council； and heads of departments。 Except in
